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LGBTQ and intimate partner abuse

LGBTQ and intimate partner abuse

Write the essay regarding those two categories giving.
Problem: Sexual Harassment Experienced by Female Patrol Officers
Introduction: Open with an overview on sexual harassment in the workplace
Give a formal definition of workplace sexual harassment
Discuss briefly sexual harassment in the criminal justice field
Extent and Impact
Give statistics on the extent of the problem
Check websites given on the syllabus or do a search of proquest or ebsco database on library
(locate research articles on the issues and reference those)
Discuss how women are affected by the problem ( at least 4)
e.g. promotability
mental health
show evidence of the impacts – again you will refer to statistic and data from research articles
Policy Recommendations
Ideas as to how these issues could be address and or resolved by the powers that be.

 

Increasing female representation has been identified as one possible strategy for creating justice-focused organizations that are more responsive to public needs (President’s Task Force on 21st Century Policing, 2015; Silvestri, 2015). Historically, the occupation of policing has been dominated by White men, and although female representation in the United States has increased to approximately 12% (United States Department of Justice, Federal Bureau of Investigation, 2016), most law enforcement departments remain highly gendered organizations in which stereotypes about men and women drive norms and practices in the agency (Shelley, Morabito, & TobinGurley, 2011). Drawing from the theory of representative bureaucracy, scholars argue that sociodemographic representation consistent with the characteristics of the constituency helps ensure that all citizens’ interests are represented in the formulation and implementation of public policy (Coleman-Selden, 1998; Oberfield, 2014). In addition, representation is hypothesized to strengthen citizens’ participation in the decision-making process and to increase their cooperation in interactions with specific bureaucratic agents (Riccucci, Van Ryzin, & Lavena, 2014). The purpose of this study is to explore the effect of female representation in law enforcement on the reporting of rape incidents and the clearing of rape cases in the United States. Police officers are some of the most important street-level bureaucrats in the processing of sexual violence crimes. Officers function as the gatekeepers of the justice system (Frazier & Haney, 1996) and exercise a significant amount of discretion when deciding which cases are worthy of further review and how much organizational capital should be devoted to the investigation. Some evidence indicates that agencies with a greater number of female officers are more effective in identifying and clearing sexual violence cases compared with agencies with fewer female officers (Meier & Nicholson-Crotty, 2006; Walfield, 2016). However, research on the topic is limited, and other scholars have not found support for the representative bureaucracy hypothesis (Morabito, Pattavina, & Williams, 2017).

Implicit in the theory of representative bureaucracy is definitely the expectation that passive representation will bring about energetic reflection when the values and ideals of people with frequent group qualities are interpreted into selections that gain people that have related group qualities (Pitkin, 1967). Public officials are hypothesized to use their discretion to promote equality and to improve outcomes for those whom public programs have traditionally underserved. In theory, for the presence of women (i.e., passive representation) to be translated into benefits for women (i.e., active representation), two conditions must be present: bureaucrats must have a significant amount of discretion in decision making (Meier, 1993), and the policy area must be gendered (Keiser, Wilkins, Meier, & Holland, 2002). According to Keiser et al. (2002), a policy area becomes gendered if (a) the political process defines the matter as a women’s issue, (b) the relationship between the bureaucrat and the client is changed because of gender, or (c) practices in the area directly benefit women as a group. Some examples of a gendered policy area include pay equality, reproductive rights, sexual assault, child care issues, and the underrepresentation of women in math and science occupations (Keiser et al., 2002).

As well of using the strategy of rep bureaucracy to girls in policing, scholars have hypothesized a number of possible pathways where non-active representation in law enforcement officials push might be construed into energetic representation for ladies patients. In theory, female officers may be more empathic and responsive to sexual assault victims than male officers, which in turn encourages victims to solicit police services and to be more cooperative in the investigative process (Martin, 1999; RabeHemp, 2008; Schuck, 2014). Female officers may also sensitize male officers to the trauma experienced by sexual assault survivors, such that male officers become more sympathetic (Haarr, 1997). These propositions are rooted in the belief that women share a common set of values regarding the causes and consequences of victimization and the appropriateness of types of interpersonal and legal responses. In the context of policing, most research on sexual assault focuses on officer decision making, specifically how legal and extralegal factors influence officers’ reactions to the victim and their willingness to do the necessary work to document the incident and make an arrest. In the general population, the research typically shows that men are more accepting of rape myths than women (Anderson, Cooper, & Okamura, 1997; Suarez & Gadalla, 2010) and that men tend to view the perpetrator as less culpable than women do (Alicke & Yurak, 1995; Gerber, Cronin, & Steigman, 2004). Some evidence indicates that female officers are less accepting of rape myths and are more likely to believe victims compared with their male colleagues (Brown & King, 1998; Page, 2007; Schuller & Stewart, 2000).

Situational elements including ecological and business features may reasonable the relationship between women reflection as well as the revealing and handling of rape cases by altering the way in which discretion is maintained along with the solutions upon which frontline officers can bring to aid their discretionary practices. One potential moderator in the active representation process is the presence of a police union. Officers began forming unions around the turn of the 20th century, and today, many of the rank and file see collective bargaining as a way to preserve officer autonomy and protect themselves from arbitrary and inconstant disciplinary practices by management (Fisk & Richardson, 2017). Scholars and police executives generally agree that unions have a significant impact on policies and practices internal to the agency, as well as accountability regarding police misconduct and the discipline of individual officers (Walker, 2008). While most of the literature focuses on the negative consequences of collective bargaining agreements, there is some evidence that unions can facilitate reform by protecting officers who question the fairness or effectiveness of departmental policies. For example, both the New York and New Jersey unions publicly sided with officers regarding the negative consequences of imposing unofficial quotas (Fisk & Richardson, 2017). For female officers, the misconduct and discipline principles specified in collective bargaining agreements may provide them with a context where they feel more enabled to exercise their discretion in ways that are consistent with the active representation proposition.