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Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism

Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism

Richard H. “Global Problems and the Culture of Capitalism.” Seventh Edition. Pearson Publishers, 2019.

List and briefly explain the five elements of capitalism.

List and briefly explain the four ways in which consumer transformation was achieved.

What did the events of the Great Global Depression reveal

It is not necessarily simple to illustrate the effects of traditions on people’s day-to-day lives anthropologists have noted that tradition includes all learned morals and behaviors, the principles through which we order our everyday life, and the definitions that humans create to interpret their universes and their places within them. Yet, using these abstract descriptions, it is difficult to know how pervasive our customs may be in determining our perspective on the planet. It could aid, therefore, to provide a metaphor for customs in the form of a idea and employ of some other traditions: the sandpaintings of your Navajo of your American South west. Amongst the Navajo individuals, there is a recovery process in which a curer attracts on the floor a miniature counsel from the universe, using shaded beach sand, cornmeal, or some other pieces of fabric. Although there might be thousands of models of these drawings, every includes important components of what, for that Navajo, specifies the typical problems of living. Navajo conceptions of room are indicated by icons from the world’s recommendations conceptions of social life are mentioned from the distribution of Navajo properties (hogans) and mythic beings values are represented in the tales and chants related to each sandpainting fabric goods vital to Navajo existence (e.g., horses or ritual goods) are also shown. When the work is accomplished, the sufferer is located on or even in the sandpainting, along with a healing wedding service, accompanied by chanting and prayer, cash. Disease, the Navajo state, may be the consequence of persons’ losing their correct locations in the world the aim of the marriage ceremony is always to recover the individual to this position. If the marriage ceremony is done and harmony reconditioned, the sandpainter damages the artwork. Navajo sandpainting features all of the aspects of what anthropologists often mean by the word customs. Like the sandpainting, a tradition acts to outline the universe because it is expected to are available for a individuals. The sandpainting has got the key elements and emblems that men and women use to get themselves in bodily and interpersonal area. It affirms the location in the person in the developed community and the principles that govern people’s lifestyles. Just like the sandpainting, specific social representations act as restorative support frames that interact to us who and everything we are and just how we figure in the larger get of points. These representations are therapeutic since they aid people solve the contradictions and ambiguities that are built into any societal meaning of truth and self. Moreover, every single culture has its sandpainters, all those those who are provided or taking accountability for symbolizing the universe to other folks and who may have the ability to define individuals components which can be necessary for others in finding and understanding their identities. In some communities, as one of the Navajo, it is the curer, shaman, mythmaker, or storyteller in others, it is the priest, poet, blogger, designer, artist, or dancer. In capitalism, the sandpainter works in churches, synagogues, or mosques, and in movie theaters, facing tv collections, at sporting events, or perhaps in the departmental stores that reaffirm the eyesight of plethora central to the consumers’ perspective around the globe. Modern-day sandpainters, who consist of advertising and marketing specialists, marketers, federal government brokers, corporate publicity experts, entertainers, and correspondents, amongst others, create a sight around the world designed to take full advantage of the development and intake of items. They have really helped to make a culture where the excellent components are products, and in which the consumer’s first responsibility is to buy (or “Shop till you decline,” as being a popular fender sticker suggests). It is a culture in which virtually all our everyday activities—work, leisure, the fulfillment of social responsibilities, and so on—take place in the context of commodities, and in which shopping, like the sandpainting cure, serves as a therapeutic activity. These contemporary sandpainters build for us a customs through which at the same time or any other every person enacts the personal identity of consumer. The question we need to discover first is, how was the world in the client and also the customer itself produced? The change did not occur naturally. In fact, the culture of nineteenth-century America emphasized not unlimited consumption but moderation and self-denial. People, workers in particular, were expected to be frugal and save their money; spending, particularly on luxuries, was seen as “wasteful.” People purchased only necessities—basic foodstuffs, clothing, household utensils, and appliances—or shared basic items when they could. If we look at a typical inventory of the possessions of an American family of 1870–1880, we find a pattern very different from that of today. In 1870, 53 percent of the population lived and worked on farms and produced much of what they consumed. One Vermont farm wife recorded making 421 pies, 152 cakes, 2,140 doughnuts, and 1,038 loaves of bread in one year (Sutherland 1989:71). Household items were relatively simple—a dinner table, wooden chairs, beds, perhaps a carpet or rug. There were few appliances to aid housework—cookstoves, eggbeaters, apple parers, pea shellers, and coffee mills, but most other housework required muscle; even hand-cranked washing machines were not available until the late 1870s. Although only the poorest or most isolated families did not buy some readymade clothing, most of the items people wore were made at home and were largely functional. Furthermore, because the vast majority of American families lived on farms, most of the family capital was invested in farming tools and implements. There were, of course, exceptions. The wealthy members of society competed with each other in the ostentatious display of wealth and luxury, as they had for centuries. But they represented a small percentage of the population. Of course, Americans did not yet have electricity, the automobile had yet to be invented, and the money supply was far more limited than it is today. Nevertheless, to transform buying habits, luxuries had to be transformed into necessities. In America, this was accomplished largely in four ways: a revolution in marketing and advertising, a restructuring of major societal institutions, a revolution in spiritual and intellectual values, and a reconfiguration of space and class. Marketing and Advertising First, there was a major transformation of the meaning of goods and how they were presented and displayed. For most of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, retailers paid little attention to how goods were displayed. The first department store—Bon Marché— opened in Paris in 1852, allowing people to wander through the store with no expectations that they make a purchase. Enterprises such as Bon Marché were devoted to “the arousal of free-floating desire,” as Rosalind Williams put it (cited McCracken 1988:25). The displays of commodities helped define bourgeois culture, converting the culture, values, attitudes, and aspirations of the bourgeoisie into goods, thus shaping and transforming them (Miller 1994). But Bon Marché was an exception. In stores in the United States, most products were displayed in bulk, and little care was taken to arrange them in any special way. Prepackaged items with company labels did not even exist until the 1870s, when Ivory Soap and Quaker Oats appeared (Carrier 1995:102).