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Monthly Archives: May 2019

Training Needs Analysis

Presented at the end of Chapters 4, 5, 8 and 9 of the Blanchard and Thacker (2013) text, are examples of what would be done in a real situation regarding a small business that requested training. 

Review the Fabrics Inc. example at the end of Chapter 4. In the Fabrics Inc. example, Blanchard and Thacker (2013) have demonstrated, needs analysis, the first phase in the Training Process Model.

In an 800 to 1,000 word paper (excluding the title and reference pages), discuss the strengths and weaknesses of the approach and what might be done differently using the Fabrics Inc. example. Identify the sources of data used in the analysis. Discuss how closely the approach correspond to the ideal model presented in the Blanchard and Thacker (2013) text. Consider the advantages and disadvantages of the assessment methods used. Then, describe at least two additional methods that could have been used, providing rationale as to why these methods could be used.

Your paper should include an introduction (a thesis statement and a preview of your paper), APA formatted headings to organize and identify each section of your paper, and a conclusion paragraph including restatement of the thesis. An Abstract is not required. Your paper must be formatted according to APA style as outlined in the Ashford Writing Center. Your paper must also include citations and references for the Blanchard and Thacker (2013) text and at least three scholarly sources from the Ashford University Library.

Psychology of Abnormal Behavior

Simulate the Process: Schizophrenia Overview

            Screen 1: Schizophrenia Overview: Schizophrenia is characterized by an array of desires symptoms including extreme oddities in perception, thinking, action, sense of self, and manner of relating to others. This exercise will be reviewing the symptoms and types of schizophrenia.

            Screen 2: Schizophrenia positive symptoms: One way that the type of schizophrenic symptoms are differentiated is to classify them as positive symptoms are negative symptoms. Positive symptoms include delusions, hallucinations, disordered behavior, and disorganized speech. Most of us here some sort of voice in our heads most of the time. We replay conversations, have an inner dialogue etc. but these seem to be qualitatively different from what schizophrenics describe. Their voices are usually louder, more insistent, less controllable, and are perceived as “real.” For most of us, if attention is drawn to our voices, we can clearly recognize that they are fantasies or memories.

            Screen 3: Schizophrenia Negative Symptoms: Negative symptoms include flat affect (appears to be without a motion), alogia (brief, slow, empty replies to questions), and avolition (inability to initiate goal-director behavior). Some researchers refer to schizophrenia in which positive symptoms are predominant as Type I schizophrenia and Type II for a condition in which negative symptoms are the most common. Some suggest that the symptoms may be two different disorders with different causes. Others see these conditions as different points along a spectrum that may include other disorders, such as bipolar disorder and certain types of personality disorders or even certain variations of major or unipolar depression. Even if schizophrenia is seen as one of disorder the DSM-IV-TR recognizes that it can take on considerable different manifestations.

            Screen 4: Schizophrenia Various Classifications: The Diagnostic and Statistical Manual, Fourth Edition, Text Revised, the DSM IV TR, recognizes several categories of the general diagnosis Schizophrenia:

            Catatonic: The central feature is pronounced motor symptoms, of either an excited or a stuporous type, which sometimes make for difficulty in differentiating this condition from a psychotic to the disorder.

            Disorganized: Usually begins at an earlier age and represents a more severe disintegration of the personality than in other types of schizophrenia.

            Paranoid: A person is increasingly suspicious, has severe difficulties in interpersonal relationships, and experiences absurd, a logical, and often changing delusions.

            Residual: People who have experienced a schizophrenic episode from which they have recovered enough to not show prominent symptoms but are still manifesting some mild signs of their past disorder.

             Undifferentiated: A person meets the usual criteria for being schizophrenic—including (in varying combinations) delusions, hallucinations, thought disorder, and bizarre behavior—but does not clearly fit into one of the other types because of a mixed symptom picture.

            Screen 5: Case Study #1: View the video considering what types of symptoms (positive or negative) disease are being displayed. Then click next answer questions on this video.

            [Video]

            Interviewer: Hello, Jim. I am Dr. Conklin. Jim, can I get you anything to drink?

            Client: No.

            Interviewer: How long have you been here at the Institute? How do you feel about            being here?

            Client: Okay.

            Interviewer: I understand you’re going to participate in a sweat lodge tomorrow?

            Client: I guess.

            Interviewer: Is that something you are looking forward to?

            Client: Yes.

            Screen 6: Questions on Case Study #1: In the previous video, Jim is displaying _________: A: Positive symptoms; B: Negative symptoms.

            A: Positive symptoms: Incorrect. Jim is presenting a typical set of negative symptoms: booze very little, engages in communication minimally, his voice is flat and lacks any emotional content, and his body posture is rigid and also portrays no motivation or motion.

            B: Negative symptoms: Correct! Jim is presenting a typical set of negative symptoms: moves very little, engages in communication minimally, his voice is flat and lacks any emotional content: and his body posture is rigid and also portrays no motivation or emotion.

            Screen 7: Case Study sign 2: View the video considering what types of symptoms (positive or negative) the fees are being displayed. Then click next to answer questions on this video.

            [Video]

            Interviewer: Good afternoon.

            Client: Hi, doctor.

            Interviewer: I understand that you have been reporting a voice that you hear quite a bit.

            Client: That’s right. I hear my cousin most of the time.

            Interviewer: Is your cousin male or female?

            Client: Wendy, her name is Wendy.

            Interviewer: Do you hear Wendy now?

            Client: Oh, yeah, all the time. I have to listen to you carefully to what you say so I can hear you over what she is saying.

            Interviewer: And what is she saying?

            Client: Oh, just stuff. She says I should get out of here. That this place isn’t good for me, that you’re pretty stupid, that the air in here is really dirty.

            Interviewer: Does her voice have a location?

            Client: Sure, she’s just behind me on my right side. If I turn towards her, she moves behind me so I can’t see her.

            Interviewer: Do you think she’s there behind you?

            Client: No, she’s in Toronto.

            Interviewer: But is it her speaking?

            Client: Yeah.

            Interviewer: How is that possible?

            Client: I guess it isn’t.

            Interviewer: So what is it really?

            Client: Oh, it’s her! I recognize her voice, and she knows things that only she would know. It’s not bad right now, but usually very insistent. She’s very insistent.

            Screen 8: Questions on Case Study #2: In the previous video, Carla is displaying _______ A: Positive symptoms; B: Negative symptoms?

            A: Correct! Although most patients exhibit both positive and negative symptoms, Carlos hallucinations are positive symptoms.

            B: Incorrect. Although most patients exhibit both positive and negative symptoms, Carla’s hallucinations are positive symptoms.

            Screen 9: Case Study #3: View the video considering what type of schizophrenia is being displayed. Then click next to answer questions on this video.

            [Video]

            Interviewer: Hello Helen, nice to see you today.

            Client: I don’t know about that. They’ve been at it again, you know. I guess you do know, know-it-all that you are. They keep trying to get at me. I notice you keep the TV focused on the channel they use. I guess that makes it easier for them to get it me, to find me, you know? They keep playing the news reports that are aimed at me, you know?

            Interviewer: So you are still viewing the TV as a means of getting at you?

            Client: Oh yeah, TV, radio, newspapers. They stack the crosswords, you know? Did you do the crossword today? I can do them in three seconds usually because they are aimed at me. I can decipher the clues better than anyone because they are meant for me.

            Interviewer: What is the gist of the message, Helen?

            Client: Like you don’t know! They want me to go away. I can save the earth, but they don’t want me to do that, do they?

            Interviewer: Who is they?

            Client: The big drug companies, the oil companies, the tobacco companies… I know what they are up to. Phony wars to make money, but they won’t tell us the truth, won’t publish our letters to the newspapers.

            Screen 10: Questions on Case Study sign 3: In the previous video, Helen could be diagnosed with which of the following types of schizophrenia? A: Catatonic; B: Disorganized; C: Paranoid; D: Residual; E: Undifferentiated?

            A: Catatonic: Incorrect. Did you notice Helen’s delusions and suspicions? These symptoms are common in paranoid schizophrenics.

            B: Disorganized: Incorrect: Did you notice Helen’s delusions and suspicions? The symptoms are common in paranoid schizophrenics.

            C: Paranoid: Correct! Helen’s delusions and suspicions could be evidence of a paranoid schizophrenic.

            D: Residual: Incorrect. Did you notice Helen’s delusions and suspicions? These symptoms are common in paranoid schizophrenics.

            E: Undifferentiated: Incorrect. Did you notice Helen’s delusions and suspicions? These symptoms are common in paranoid schizophrenics.

            Screen 11: Schizophrenia Summary:

            Current understanding: Schizophrenia is, in many ways, the prototypical mental disorder. It is vivid, debilitating and progressive. Currently, we have no real cure for this disorder and our attempts at treatment are mainly methods of relieving symptoms.

            Directions for Future Research: As research progresses, we will be able to explain the cause of these different types of symptoms and the different clusters of symptoms. Directions for research include:

  • Some individuals diagnosed with schizophrenia eventually go into remission or are symptom-free; research into this process is very important when searching for true treatments.
  • We need to refine our ability to diagnose it and look into the possibility that is in fact a number of disorders with different origins.
  • We also need to look into the possibility that schizophrenia shares a common cause with some forms of depression, bipolar disorder, and various personality disorders.
  • Current research is focusing on the genetics of this disorder, the correlation with several viral infections, the regions of the brain that appeared to lose neurons as the illness progresses, and the various neurotransmitters involved.

Sleep Duration, Schedule and Quality among Urban Chinese Children and Adolescents: Associations with Routine After-School Activities

Background

With rapid urbanization accompanied by lifestyle changes, children and adolescents living in metropolitan areas are faced with many time use choices that compete with sleep. This study reports on the sleep hygiene of urban Chinese school students, and investigates the relationship between habitual after-school activities and sleep duration, schedule and quality on a regular school day. Methods Cross-sectional, school-based survey of school children (Grades 4–8) living in Shanghai, China, conducted in 2011. Self-reported data were collected on students’ sleep duration and timing, sleep quality, habitual after-school activities (i.e. homework, leisure-time physical activity, recreational screen time and school commuting time), and potential correlates. Results Mean sleep duration of this sample (mean age: 11.5-years; 48.6% girls) was 9 hours. Nearly 30% of students reported daytime tiredness. On school nights, girls slept less (p<0.001) and went to bed later (p<0.001), a sex difference that was more pronounced in older students. Age by sex interactions were observed for both sleep duration (p=0.005) and bedtime (p=0.002). Prolonged time spent on homework and mobile phone playing was related to shorter sleep duration and later bedtime. Adjusting for all other factors, with each additional hour of mobile phone playing, the odds of daytime tiredness and having difficulty maintaining sleep increased by 30% and 27% among secondary students, respectively. PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 1 / 12 OPEN ACCESS Citation: Jiang X, Hardy LL, Baur LA, Ding D, Wang L, Shi H (2015) Sleep Duration, Schedule and Quality among Urban Chinese Children and Adolescents: Associations with Routine After-School Activities. PLoS ONE 10(1): e0115326. doi:10.1371/journal. pone.0115326 Academic Editor: Masako Taniike, Osaka University, JAPAN Received: July 9, 2014 Accepted: November 22, 2014 Published: January 22, 2015 Copyright: © 2015 Jiang et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited. Data Availability Statement: All relevant data are within the paper. Funding: The study is mainly funded by the Shanghai Municipal Committee of Education and also sponsored by Shanghai Municipal Health Bureau (Award Number: 12GWZX0301). The authors also thank the China Scholarship Council (CSC) for funding Xiaoxiao Jiang’s doctoral scholarship in joint-PhD program with University of Sydney and this analysis, which is part of the requirements for her PhD studies. The funders had no role in study design, data collection Conclusion There are sex differences in sleep duration, schedule and quality. Habitual activities had small but significant associations with sleep hygiene outcomes especially among secondary school students. Intervention strategies such as limiting children’s use of electronic screen devices after school are implicated. Introduction Adequate sleep plays a crucial role in the physical, mental and cognitive development of children and adolescents. [1–3] Insufficient sleep is linked to impaired mental health [4] and school performance, [5] obesity, [6] and health risk behaviors. [7] The sleep duration of children and adolescents has declined by nearly one hour per night during the past century, especially in countries in Asia and North America. [8] Among the Chinese pediatric population, short sleep duration and sleep problems including sleep onset latency (i.e. difficulty initiating sleep), sleep disturbance (i.e. difficulty maintaining sleep), and daytime tiredness or sleepiness are prevalent, [9–10] with sleep duration being less than for American children [11]. Although there is no current international consensus on optimal sleep duration for each age group, [12] many factors, such as age, health status and the urban context, contribute to children’s sleep behavior and quality. [13–16] Sociocultural [17] and family environments [18] have been explored to explain Chinese children’s sleep behaviors, but few studies have focused on the relationship between children’s and adolescents’ routine activities outside school hours and sleep outcomes. It is possible that children today, consciously or not, trade their sleep time for other activities that are pressing or of greater interest. In Asian children, academic performance and pressure are strongly associated with sleep duration, especially among adolescents. [19–20] However, there has been little investigation of the actual time that children spend studying after school, which may have an independent association with sleep apart from academic pressure. Among nighttime activities, inverse associations between electronic screen entertainment (i.e. TV viewing, playing computers and videogames) and sleep have been observed in both developed and developing countries [21–23] though the evidence was inconsistent regarding mobile phone use. [24] Western studies [25–26] have emphasized the benefits of delaying school start times, however, in China long distances travelled between home and school and traffic congestion may compromise such efforts. Furthermore, most Chinese studies have focused on younger children and there are no studies in adolescents. Rapid urbanization, accompanied by tremendous changes in lifestyle, is affecting young people in Shanghai and other developed areas of China. Children and adolescents are faced with a new range of time use choices and prolonged commuting times that compete with sleep time and possibly interfere with sleep, schedule and quality. Therefore, in this study of older children and adolescents living in the Shanghai inner city area, we aimed to: 1) report the sleep duration, schedule, and sleep quality and 2) examine the associations between time spent on routine activities outside school hours and a range of sleep hygiene outcomes. Materials and Methods Sampling and procedures A cross-sectional, school-based questionnaire survey was conducted among Shanghai inner city students from Grades 4 to 8 (both elementary and secondary grades) between October and Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 2 / 12 and analysis, decision to publish, or preparation of the manuscript. Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist. November 2011, a period when there were no public holidays or exams. Trained field staff administered a questionnaire to the students during a school visit. Parents or guardians filled out separate questionnaires which were submitted by the student within a week after the first submission. Informed consent was well-explained for all students and their parents, and signed by both students themselves and their parents or guardians voluntarily before participating in the study. The study was approved by the Ethics Review Board of Fudan University (IRB # 2011–12–0321)”. A multi-stage random cluster sampling design was used to select districts, schools and classes. The first stage involved the random selection of four districts in inner city areas of Shanghai. The second stage involved the random selection of schools (three elementary schools and three middle schools from each district) and the third stage involved the random selection of classes stratified by grade (213 classes from 24 schools). Private or international schools in Shanghai were not included in this study because of the difference in school curricula. Measures Students’ sex, date of birth, weight and height were extracted from the Shanghai annual physical examination database. [27] Weight (kg) and height (m) were measured by authorized clinical staff in the spring of 2011 and body mass index (BMI) was calculated. BMI was classified based on the International Obesity Taskforce (IOTF) age-sex specific BMI cut-points for the Asian pediatric population. [28] A questionnaire was given to parents to provide their educational level (whether or not they had a university degree) and the number of children at home. Sleep hygiene (timing, duration, and quality). Students were asked to report what time they usually go to bed and wake up on a regular school day (timing). Sleep duration was calculated as the time lapse between bedtime and wake up time. Sleep quality was assessed using the Multidimensional Sub-health Questionnaire of Adolescents (MSQA), which shows good internal reliability and criterion validity among Chinese adolescents. [29] Students reported “For the past six months, how many weeks/months in total have you been: (1) having difficulty falling asleep?; (2) having difficulty staying asleep at night?; (3) feeling tired and lacking energy during the day?” to indicate three sleep problems as ‘Had difficulty initiating sleep’, ‘Had difficulty maintaining sleep’, and ‘Daytime tiredness’, respectively. For each question, response categories were none; less than one week; 1–2 weeks; more than 2 weeks; more than 1 month; more than 2 months; and, more than 3 months. Responses were dichotomized as not having sleep problems (none and less than one week) or having sleep problems (remaining responses). Recreational screen time and mobile phone playing. Students reported the duration of weekday after-school screen-time (i.e. watching TV, playing on a computer (desktop, laptop or tablet devices) and playing videogames), which were summed and categorized according to recommendations of <2 hours or 2 hours. [30] The duration of mobile phone playing was determined by the question ‘How many hours and minutes have you spent playing the mobile phone (i.e. texting, playing games, or surfing on internet) after school?’, and the 10-day testretest reliability of the questions was satisfactory (intraclass correlation coefficient = 0.78 and 0.74 for screen-time and time spent mobile phone playing, respectively). Study load and academic pressure. For the study load, students reported time they spent on homework on an average school day, as measured by the question “How many hours and minutes do you usually spend on doing your homework with or without a computer on an average school night?” (Test-retest reliability of intraclass correlation coefficient = 0.85 for total time spent on homework). For self-perceived academic pressure, students also responded to the question “How much are you stressed about your academic performance?” with a fivepoint Likert scale ranging from “very much” to “not at all”. Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 3 / 12 Commuting time. Students reported the time spent commuting to and from home to school by car, public transport, cycling or walking, separately. These items were summed to calculate total commuting time. Leisure-time physical activity. After-school leisure-time physical activity (LTPA) was measured by asking students how long they spent in light (e.g. walking), moderate (e.g. jogging, badminton) and vigorous (e.g. tennis, swimming) physical activity and summed to determine total LTPA. Statistical analysis Main outcome variables were sleep duration, sleep schedule (represented by time going to bed, or bedtime), and sleep quality (represented by having or not having sleep problems). One-way ANOVA and the Chi-square test were used to describe the sleep duration, timing, and the prevalence of sleep problems across age groups respectively. Age and sex interactions for sleep duration and bedtime were tested by two-way ANOVA. Multiple linear regression analysis was used to examine the potential correlates of sleep duration and bedtime (transformed into decimals). Separate analyses were conducted for school levels (i.e. elementary and secondary), as different patterns of sleep are expected at different developmental stages. Multivariate logistic regression was used for the three sleep quality outcomes. Multicollinearity diagnostic statistics were computed and the VIF values ranged from 1.01 to 1.12 (i.e., no evidence of multicollinearity). For multivariate analysis, the list-wise deletion method was used for handling missing data and the students were excluded from analyses if any single value was missing. The difference in demographic characteristics between the excluded students and the remaining students was compared by t-test or Chi-square test. Compared with students with complete data, more boys than girls (41.8% vs 33.7%, p<0.001) were with missing information of any of the independent variable. Due to missing data, the proportions of participants excluded from the analysis for elementary and secondary students were 34.7% and 42.9%, respectively. Sensitivity analyses were conducted by re-analyzing data including missing values on covariates as a separate category. Furthermore, to examine potential effect modification by parental education, we tested the interaction terms between parental education and each independent variable. Data were analyzed in 2013, using SPSS (version 21 for Windows, Chicago, IL). P values were two sided with a significance level of 0.05. Results A total of 6,247 (response rate: 94.8%) students with parental data completed the survey. Table 1 summarizes the characteristics of the sample. The mean age was 11.5 years (range: 8.08–16.71 years), 48.6% were girls and 41.7% were in elementary school. The numbers of participants in each age group and school grade were distributed evenly. Sleep duration, sleep timing and the prevalence of sleep problems by age group and sex are shown in Table 2. The mean sleep duration on a regular school night was 9 hours, with the average bedtime approximately 9:30 pm and wake up time around 6:30 am. Older children woke up earlier, went to bed later and had a shorter sleep duration than younger ones (p for trend <0.001). Overall, 19% of the students reported having difficulty initiating sleep, 15.6% reported having difficulty maintaining sleep and almost one third (29.7%) reported daytime tiredness. There were significant differences among age groups for difficulty maintaining sleep (p=0.004) and daytime tiredness (p<0.001), but not for difficulty initiating sleep (p=0.371). Girls went to bed later, woke up earlier and slept less than boys (Table 2). Age by sex interactions were found for both sleep duration (p=0.005) and bedtime (p=0.002). Sex differences increased with age. For sleep problems, the only sex difference detected was among secondary Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 4 / 12 school students, with more secondary school girl students reporting difficulty in maintaining sleep (p<0.001) and daytime tiredness (p<0.001). Table 3 shows variables associated with sleep duration. For all students, sleep duration was inversely associated with time spent on homework, commuting and mobile phone playing, adjusting for potential confounders. The largest effect size was for homework, especially for secondary students. For secondary school boys, <2 hours daily screen-time was associated with Table 1. Sample characteristics. Total Sample (n = 6247) n (%) Sex (girls) 3034 (48.6) Age (years old) group <10 1291 (20.7) 10–11 1167 (18.7) 11–12 1351 (21.6) 12–13 1146 (18.3) >13 1292 (20.7) School grade 4 1279 (20.5) 5 1326 (21.2) 6 1310 (21.0) 7 1169 (18.7) 8 1163 (18.6) Father with university degree 1666 (27.4) Mother with university degree 1339 (22.0) Lives with a sibling 1513 (25.0) Self-reported academic pressure Not at all or seldom 958 (16.7) A little 2738 (47.8) Yes or very much 2036 (35.5) Daily screen time  2 hours 686 (12.4) Overweight/obese a 2382 (40.1) a According to International Task Force on Obesity Asian reference, sex-age-specific BMI cut-offs that correspond to overweight BMI of 23kg/m2 at age 18 years. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326.t001 Table 2. Sleep duration, sleep timing and sleep problems by age group and sex (N = 6274). Age group Sex <10 years 10–11 years 11–12 years 12–13 years 13 years p Boys Girls p Sleep duration (hours) 9.58(0.67) 9.43(0.70) 8.93(0.78) 8.67(0.71) 8.28(0.84) <0.001 9.03(0.89) 8.92(0.88) <0.001 Sleep schedule a Bedtime (pm) 9.07(0.63) 9.18(0.66) 9.47(0.66) 9.67(0.66) 10.00(0.76) <0.001 9.44(0.75) 9.52(0.76) <0.001 Wake up time (am) 6.67(0.43) 6.63(0.43) 6.40(0.39) 6.34(0.39) 6.29(0.43) <0.001 6.48(0.45) 6.45(0.43) 0.023 Sleep problems (%) Had difficulty initiating sleep 20.8 18.5 17.8 18.3 19.4 0.37 19.8 18.1 0.10 Had difficulty maintaining sleep 15.0 14.8 13.4 16.4 18.7 0.004 15.5 15.8 0.80 Daytime tiredness 25.2 25.7 28.4 31.3 37.8 <0.001 27.2 32.3 <0.001 a Minutes were divided by 60 and multiplied by 100 and added to number of hours to generate a metric variable doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326.t002 Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 5 / 12 longer sleep duration, while among secondary school girls, participating in less LTPA after school was associated with shorter sleep duration. For the variables associated with school night bedtime (Table 4), more time spent on home work was found to be associated with later bedtime in all students. With the exception of elementary school boys, mobile phone playing was related to a later bedtime, especially in secondary school students. Secondary school girls who participated in less LTPA after school and  2 hours/day of screen-time had a later bedtime. School commuting time was not associated with bedtime in any of the models. Table 3. Associations (indicated by regression coefficients) of weekday habitual after-school activity factors and sleep duration by school level and sex. School level Elementary school (Grade 4 and 5) Secondary school (Grade 6,7 and 8) Beta P Beta P Boys Commuting time (hour) -0.097 0.004 -0.088 0.003 After-school LTPA (hour) 0.029 0.40 0.026 0.38 Homework time (hour) -0.124 <0.001 -0.184 <0.001 Screen time (0= < 2 hours/ day, 1 =  2 hours/ day) -0.016 0.65 -0.075 0.013 Playing mobile phone (hour) -0.081 0.024 -0.119 <0.001 Girls Commuting time (hour) -0.081 0.017 -0.079 0.003 After-school LTPA (hour) -0.025 0.47 0.059 0.030 Homework time (hour) -0.095 0.005 -0.294 <0.001 Screen time (0= < 2 hours/ day, 1 =  2 hours/ day) -0.034 0.34 0.018 0.53 Playing mobile phone (hour) -0.100 0.004 -0.092 0.001 All models were adjusted for age, BMI categories, parents’ education, whether or not lived with a sibling and academic pressure. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326.t003 Table 4. Associations (indicated by regression coefficients) of weekday habitual after-school activity factors and bedtime by school level and sex. Age group Elementary school (Grade 4 and 5) Secondary school (Grade 6,7 and 8) Beta P Beta P Boys Commuting time (hour) 0.012 0.72 -0.019 0.51 After-school LTPA (hour) -0.043 0.20 -0.043 0.14 Homework time (hour) 0.109 0.001 0.219 <0.001 Academic pressure (0 = not at all, 4 = very much, 0–4) 0.082 0.015 0.137 <0.001 Screen time (0= < 2 hours/ day, 1 =  2 hours/ day) 0.045 0.20 -0.016 0.58 Playing mobile phone (hour) -0.049 0.17 0.121 <0.001 Girls Commuting time (hour) 0.042 0.21 -0.002 0.94 After-school LTPA (hour) -0.012 0.72 -0.067 0.013 Homework time (hour) 0.078 0.022 0.303 <0.001 Screen time (0= < 2 hours/ day, 1 =  2 hours/ day) 0.077 0.027 0.007 0.81 Playing mobile phone (hour) 0.070 0.046 0.079 0.005 All models were adjusted for age, BMI categories, parents’ education, whether or not lived with a sibling and academic pressure. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326.t004 Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 6 / 12 Table 5 presents correlates of sleep problems. In elementary school, girls were less likely to have difficulty initiating (AOR[95%CI] = 0.73[0.57–0.94]) or maintaining sleep (AOR[95%CI] = 0.65[0.49–0.85]) than boys, while in secondary school, girls were more likely to report daytime tiredness (AOR[95%CI] = 1.35[1.11–1.64]), after adjusting for other factors. Homework time was independently associated with difficulty maintaining sleep and daytime tiredness among only secondary school students. Similarly, the adjusted odds of difficulty maintaining sleep and daytime tiredness increased by 27% and 37%, respectively, among secondary school students for each additional hour of mobile phone playing. We didn’t not find evidence for interactions between parental education and other independent variables (all p>0.05). As a sensitivity analysis, we reran all models with missing values of covariates coded as a category, which reduced case exclusion to 15.2% and 24.6% for elementary and secondary students. Results from sensitivity analysis were consistent with our original analysis, indicating robustness in our findings. Discussion We investigated sleep duration, schedule and quality in a large sample of 4th to 8th grade school students living in metropolitan Shanghai. In our study, the average sleep duration was 9 hours and the time duration decreased with age. The result is similar to that reported in other Chinese studies of urban school-aged children [31–32] and Shanghai local government report. For example, in Shanghai, in the 2011 Green Standard Assessment of the Academic Performance (GSAAP) found that less than 50% of the Grade 4 students who slept more than 9 hours. [33] A recent meta-analysis has shown that Asian children have shorter weekday sleep duration compared with children in Australia, Europe and USA. [34] In contrast, we found that the sleep duration of the current sample was similar to counterparts in European countries [35–36] but longer than that of children from other Asian countries/regions such as Korea, [37] Malaysia [16] and Hong Kong. [38] Considering the different measures across studies, the comparisons among countries should be interpreted with caution. Within Shanghai, In 2011 GSAAP also found that there were less than 20% of the Grade 9 students who slept more than Table 5. Associations (indicated by odd ratios) of weekday habitual after-school activity factors and sleep quality problems by school level. Elementary school (Grade 4 and 5) Difficulty initiating sleep Difficulty maintaining sleep Day time tiredness OR (95% CI) AOR(95% CI)a OR (95% CI) AOR(95% CI)a OR (95% CI) AOR(95% CI)a Being a girl 0.76(0.63–0.93) 0.73(0.57–0.94) 0.80(0.64–0.99) 0.65(0.49–0.85) 1.06(0.89–1.28) 1.06(0.84–1.33) After-school LTPA (hour) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00(1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) Commuting time (hour) 1.00(1.00–1.00) 1.00(1.00–1.00) 1.00(0.99–1.00) 1.00(0.99–1.00) 0.99(0.99–1.00) 1.00(1.00–1.00) Homework time (hour) 0.98(0.90–1.07) 0.98(0.88–1.08) 1.08(0.98–1.18) 0.98(0.87–1.09) 1.10(1.02–1.18) 1.07(0.97–1.17) Screen time >= 2 hours 0.85(0.62–1.17) 0.78(0.51–1.20) 1.20(0.87–1.67) 1.34(0.88–2.05) 1.03(0.78–1.36) 0.98(0.67–1.43) Playing mobile phone (hour) 1.32(1.01–1.72) 1.43(0.98–2.07) 1.32(1.00–1.76) 1.19(0.79–1.77) 1.29(0.99–1.67) 1.34(0.94–1.93) Secondary school (Grade 6, 7 and 8) Being a girl 1.01(0.85–1.20) 1.07(0.85–1.35) 1.19(1.00–1.43) 1.13(0.89–1.44) 1.40(1.22–1.62) 1.35(1.11–1.64) After-school LTPA (hour) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00(1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) Commuting time (hour) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00(0.99–1.00) 0.99(0.99–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) 1.00 (1.00–1.00) Homework time (hour)) 1.10(1.02–1.19) 1.05(0.95–1.17) 1.22(1.12–1.32) 1.18(1.07–1.31) 1.25(1.17–1.38) 1.16(1.07–1.27) Screen time >= 2 hours 1.41(1.08–1.84) 1.15(0.80–1.67) 1.01(0.75–1.36) 0.79(0.52–1.21) 1.21(0.96–1.53) 1.06(0.77–1.46) Playing mobile phone (hour) 1.25(1.04–1.51) 1.20(0.95–1.51) 1.39(1.15–1.67) 1.27(1.00–1.61) 1.58(1.33–1.88) 1.37(1.10–1.71) a All models were adjusted for age, BMI categories, parents’ education and whether or not lived with a sibling. doi:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326.t005 Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 7 / 12 8 hours. [33] Our study did not include Grade 9 students who face much more study load and academic pressure because of junior to high school graduation exam. In such case, it is possible our results may overestimate the sleep duration of Shanghai school-aged children in general. A major finding of our study is that girls slept less and went to bed later compared with boys, and these differences increased with age. Although a sex difference in school night bedtime among urban Chinese children (5–12 years old) has been previously reported, [31] the age-sex interaction on sleep among Chinese children has not been reported. Our finding is similar to one Spanish study [39] which showed the difference of sleep duration between boys and girls varied with age among older adolescents. However, in other studies, the sex differences in sleep behaviors were either not significant [31] or in the opposite direction. [40] In our study, the most frequently reported sleep problem was daytime tiredness, ranging from one quarter to almost 40%, with the prevalence increasing with age and being higher among girls. Boys in elementary school (Grade 4 and 5) were at higher risk of having difficulty initiating sleep and maintaining sleep compared to girls of the same grade. The sex difference observed in this study suggests that boys and girls at each developmental stage are susceptible to different types of sleep problems. We found consistent associations between secondary students’ time spent on homework and sleep duration and bedtime, after adjusting for perceived academic pressure. Academic performance has always been highly valued within Asian families and societies. In our study, homework time in secondary students was also associated with poorer sleep quality. Such findings highlight the potentially adverse effect of academic burden placed on Asian children which is a cultural phenomenon that is distinct from many Western populations. More time spent on LTPA was associated with longer sleep duration and earlier bedtime among older girls. There have been similar findings among Japanese adolescents [41] for sleep duration and American adolescents [42] for sleep quality in cross-sectional studies. A possible explanation for the observed association among girls, but not among boys, was the beneficial effect of LTPA on sleep could be more pronounced among people who had more sleep complaints or disturbance. [43–44] In our sample, older girls reported more problems with sleep and the moderate association may be more easily detected in this subgroup. Interestingly, school commuting time was inversely associated with sleep duration but not bedtime, a finding which may reflect the inability of school students to adjust their schedule to compensate for sleep loss caused by daily commuting to/from school. In Chinese cities, while parents are encouraged to send their children to local schools, many parents send their children to academically prestigious schools which may well be out of area, with subsequent longer commuting times. Our finding suggests there is a need to inform parents of the health benefits of both providing children with bedtime rules and strategies to address time issues associated with school commuting. We examined the unique relationship between mobile phone playing and sleep. Mobile phone playing was inversely associated with sleep duration and bedtime; it was also associated with difficulty in maintaining sleep and daytime tiredness among adolescents in secondary school. One Canadian study found that access to mobile phones but not the duration of the usage was associated with shorter sleep duration among elementary students [45], while findings from Taiwan showed that such relationships could not be confirmed in adolescents. [46] In our study, mobile phone playing (i.e. surfing the internet and playing games), instead of total usage, was measured. Thus, the inverse association found in our study may reflect the negative influence of certain functions of mobile phone use on sleep. Future studies should measure each type of mobile phone usage based on the nature of the behavior. In our sample, surveyed in 2011, 56.4% of children and adolescents owned personal mobile phones (results not shown). Given the exponential growth of smart phones that mimic Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 8 / 12 functions that were once only available on desk-top computers, and recognizing that China has already become the leading consumer market for mobile phones, [47] we expect that short sleep duration and poor sleep quality attributed to mobile devices are likely to increase in the future. Information on types of phones (i.e., smart vs. traditional phones) and specific functions of mobile phone that children playing with could better inform the projection of mobilephone related sleep loss of Chinese children. It should be noted that spending 2 hours per day on screen-time for entertainment was not consistently associated with our measures of sleep quality. A separate study conducted among the Chinese pediatric population, six years prior to our study, found that more than 2 hours’ TV viewing time was linked to later bed time, but not sleep duration, among elementary students. [23] A possible explanation could be that, on school days, TV viewing and playing computers are more likely to be limited within the family, especially among primary school students, while secondary students tend to use mobile phones for communication in the evening, possibly resulting in interrupted sleep and daytime tiredness. [48] Thus, a practical solution would be to keep all electronic devices out of children’s bedrooms and to restrict night use of mobile phones, especially after children go to bed. Strengths and limitations To our knowledge, this is the first study to investigate the association between after-school activities and sleep among a Chinese child and adolescent population. Study strengths include the large representative sample, the high response rate, and comprehensive measures of sleep outcomes. Although questions of sleep problems are indicators, not clinical measures, of sleep quality, the findings provide useful population information of sleep hygiene in Chinese schoolaged children. The inclusion of mobile phone playing was a novel aspect of this study and shows that mobile screen technologies may play a critical role in children’s sleep hygiene, and hence there is a need to monitor children’s engagement with these technologies. Limitations to take into account when interpreting our results include self-report data, which may be subject to recall bias; however, a separate study shown good agreement and correlation between self-report and objective measures of sleep especially on school nights. [49] Other factors, such as bed sharing and parents’ sleep habits, were not included in the study, nor did we have measures of sleep during non-school days. We are aware that sleep behaviors and outcomes and relevant risk factors could differ between school and non-school days. Conclusion Girls slept less and reported more sleep problems. Mobile phone playing had a small but significant association with sleep duration, schedule, and quality in secondary school students. The findings build evidence for formulating intervention strategies to change unhealthy practices associated with poor sleep hygiene, especially among adolescents. Simple measures such as setting a bed time and restricting children’s use of mobile phones after school are implicated. However, a remaining challenge is how to address the academic pressure felt by Chinese children, given the cultural emphasis the Chinese population places on education. Acknowledgments We gratefully acknowledge all participating students and their parents for their collaboration. We also acknowledge the district education committees of Shanghai and 24 schools that helped facilitate the study. The study was mainly funded by the Shanghai Municipal Committee of Education and also sponsored by Shanghai Municipal Health Bureau (Award Number: 12GWZX0301). We also thank the China Scholarship Council (CSC) for funding Xiaoxiao Correlates of Sleep among Chinese Children and Adolescents PLOS ONE | DOI:10.1371/journal.pone.0115326 January 22, 2015 9 / 12 Jiang’s doctoral scholarship in joint-PhD program with University of Sydney and this analysis, which is part of the requirements for her PhD studies

EEOC Seminar

The purpose of this assignment is to outline the managerial skills necessary for communicating in a multicultural organization.

Visit the Equal Employment Opportunity (EEOC) website. Find a real case involving job discrimination.

Design a seminar to train the new managers who are replacing those who demonstrated discrimination. This seminar should define the new managers’ roles of establishing an organizational climate in which all employees feel valued and can contribute to the success of the company.

Choose how you want to deliver your training plan. 

For example, you may choose to create a 3 to 5-slide Microsoft® PowerPoint® presentation with speaker notes, or an equivalent multimedia program or technology application such as video, audio, or web conferencing software.

Research the changing demographics of the U.S. workforce to support your seminar.

Include the following in your seminar:

My assigned topic is: Discuss projected demographics for this company in terms of age, ethnicity, gender, lifestyle, and language. How might these factors influence communication inside and outside the company? I attached here with the power point template to get us the project started, my name is Gbenga and needs to provide at least 3 to 5 slides.

Format your assignment according to appropriate course-level APA guidelines. Include a reference page.

Submit your assignment.

Present your EEOC Seminar.

Cyber Law

7. D.  Please do an internet search and find out the results of the Erin Andrews invasion of privacy case that the Craig discusses in the assigned text.  Write a commentary on your thoughts on the case.  Minimum 300 words. With references 2 replay

8. D On the discussion forum, describe an instance of plagiarism or other use of another’s intellectual property with which you are familiar. Please give one argument condemning this conduct and one argument defending it. Minimum 250 words. With references 2 replay

8. A. On April 18, 2016, The United States Supreme Court denied a petition for certiorari (refused to review the lower court’s ruling) in the case of Authors Guild v. Google, Inc., 804 F. 3d 202 – Court of Appeals, 2nd Circuit 2015.

 That case let stand the ruling of the Court of Appeals which can be found at the following website:

 https://scholar.google.com/scholar_case?case=2220742578695593916&q=Authors+Guild+v.+Google+Inc&hl=en&as_sdt=4000006  last accessed July 9, 2016.

 https://www.authorsguild.org/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/Authors-Guild-v.-Google-Petition-no-appendix.pdf  last accessed July 9, 2016.

Please write a 500-word summary of fair use as this court decision says it.

9. A Please write an essay of not less than 500 words, summarizing a court’s interpretation in a case involving online protection of a patent. Cite both the case and statute using standard legal notation.

Please include a hyperlink to the three cases. Reference also 

Capstone

5. D How would one define business intelligence (BI)? Identify and briefly discuss a real-world application of BI? 250 word. 2 references and 1 reply 150 word

7. D Provide a real-world example or describe a hypothetical situation in which a legitimate organization used spam in an effective and nonintrusive manner to promote a product or service. 250 word. 2 references and 1 reply 150 word

The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines

: 1 (2017) 27 Received: 28 July 2017 The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines Dieter Bögenhold Abstract. Comparing sociology with economics, psychology or history shows that borderlines between disciplines have become fluent and always newly oscillating. Economists, especially prominent positions awarded with Nobel prizes, are increasingly discussing items as motivation, rationality, norms or culture which belong to the domain of sociology. Sociology should acknowledge this kind of ‘imperialism’ and claim own competencies. Keywords: interdisciplinarity, philosophical economics, economic sociology, Max Weber, Joseph A. Schumpeter T 28 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 Sciences (1970), one can discover permanently new landscapes of scientific arrangements. This paper was initially conceived a plenary address at the 3rd Forum of Sociology of the International Sociological Association held in Vienna, July 2016. Therefore, the audience was a sociological one, and the message was by a sociologist to sociologists, arguing that the academic subject should be framed by an acknowledgement and reflection of global contours of scientific change. Permanently new topics arise in economy and society, and provoke and modify the division of sciences. When discussing the up-to-date status of our academic domains it is essential to take into account that our current body of knowledge is itself part of a permanent storm of renewal. What the Greek philosopher Heraclitus said once, namely that ‘everything flows’, must be valid for our own domains too: we have to employ historicizing reflections as a tool in order to find the current location and related opportunities and challenges. Taking a less narrow perspective, which goes beyond sociology and which takes the sociological reflections just as an example for different other disciplines and their positive or even negative destinies, the discussion provides some ideas about the academic interplay of different subjects. The whole system of social sciences can be treated as an involuntary concert, which, analogous to the Italian ‘concertare’ or ‘concerto’, means both, fighting, competing, struggling on the one and bringing together, harmonizing and unifying on the other hand. The division of labour between economics, sociology, anthropology, history, psychology and regional and urban sciences has and has always had fragile balances. It seems that economics as the only academic field in which Nobel prizes are awarded has become a rather dominant actor in the concerto, but even this view may be deceiving. One of the main messages of the paper is that, most recently, many substantial concepts from psychology, history and sociology have been taken up by economists and incorporated into their body of knowledge without really or fully being informed by their early originators. This relative idea theft could be seen negatively or, indeed, positively as the emergence of new interdisciplinary domains and synergies. In fact, from a perspective of philosophical economics, one can speak about an ongoing social-scientification of economics (Bögenhold 2010), which is increasingly incorporating ideas brought forth by neighbouring social science disciplines. The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 29 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 Looking back over the last 120 years Even at the beginning of the twentieth century, prominent academics in social sciences held professorships and chairs in the fields of economics. Economics existed without competition as a subject, since professorships for the newer subjects, such as sociology, that have now become standard, did not exist yet. These academics concerned themselves with themes, which, from the modern standpoint, were the property of history, sociology, business studies, economics, legal or administrative sciences. The development of scientific disciplines goes hand in hand with other changes. The structure of professions has changed and social and economic structures have developed many new traits (Rosenberg 2012). Furthermore, new times bring with them new questions and new discussions. To a great extent, the new contours of intellectual debate reflect the process of historical change (Gordon 1993). The essentially positive process by which subjects have gained recognition also has a downside. The price was an increasingly specialised knowledge, which, for systematic reasons, lost sight of respective neighbouring disciplines. Bridges between the islands of knowledge were even more rarely sought or found. This meant that forms of scientific knowledge disciplines and intra- and interdisciplinarity faded even more into the background. The paradoxical effect is that the apparently relentless growth of both economics and sociology, which continues to the present day, is by no means combined with a process of academic consolidation. On the contrary, subjects lose out in numerous aspects, since they are scarcely able to communicate with one another any longer. The subjects appear to have become fragmented theoretically, methodically and practically (Hollis 2002). The principal developments in the rise of sociology and the demarcation of different branches of economics have mainly taken place since the Second World War. Today the subjects are characterized by their impressive plurality in terms of the diversity of topics and methods. As a result, these subjects themselves have become differentiated further, to the extent that it is even more difficult to conceptualize them as closed, single-type disciplines (Rosenberg 2012, Cedrini, Fontana 2017, Bögenhold 2018). There was clearly no real correlation between the delineation of the system of disciplines and the corresponding increase in their recognition. Auguste Comte was probably the primary influence on the conception of sociology. In his Cours de Philosophie Positive (1830-1842, 1907) Comte formulated the necessity and 30 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 unavoidability of academic specialisation and differentiation. At the same time, he recognized the danger of isolation and insularity of knowledge. Thus, he wrote, ‘It is evidently this division of various types of research amongst various groups of scholars that we have to thank for the level of development that knowledge has reached in our time. However, this division means that it is no longer possible for a modern scholar to engage himself with all disciplines at once – a kind of engagement that was easy and quite normal in the past’ (Comte 1907, 33). Comte argued that the expansion of the knowledge base goes hand in hand with the increasing differentiation and division of labour. The onset of this process, so the argument continued, also had a converse effect. ‘Even recognising the great results that have been achieved because of this division of labour, and accepting that this is now the true foundation of the general organisation of the academic world, it is still impossible, on the other hand, not to be adversely affected by this current division of labour for the reason of over-specialisation of ideas, which each person pursues with great exclusivity. … We must take care that human intellect does not finally lose its way in a host of details’ (Comte 1907, 33). Comte’s analysis, formulated in the 1830s, has proved to be extremely accurate. In particular, since the beginning of the new millennium, the process of increasing specialisation within disciplines has reached a new level. Also, a separation of literature and science had started at that time (see Snow 2012). Social sciences have evolved, but have disintegrated into various small and ever new academic territories, which themselves have divided further. In addition, literature and science have increasingly become separated from one another. Boundaries began to develop between them during the process of self-definition. This development led Max Weber, who, like most of the classic scholars known today, was an interdisciplinary generalist, to conclude in his famous article ‘Science as Vocation’ that a high academic reputation can best be achieved by withdrawing to extremely specialised subject matter. ‘In our time, the internal situation, in contrast to the organisation of science as a vocation, is first of all conditioned by the fact that science has entered a phase of specialisation previously unknown and that this will forever remain the case. Not only externally, but inwardly, matters stand at a point where the individual can acquire the sure consciousness of achieving something truly perfect in the field of science only in case he is a strict specialist’ (Max Weber, 1988, 134). Through the explosion of new academic publications in sociology and in the different branches of the economic sciences, internal lines of differentiation and segmentation emerged. The subjects multiplied in a vertical and a horizontal The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 31 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 direction, and within the course of constantly new subjects, new separate universes of discourse emerged, each with separate research organizations, global conferences, journals, curricula, academic career opportunities, as well as patterns and publication routines. Finally, a vulcanization of the research landscape in the social sciences was revealed, indicating a variety of new islands of knowledge, which increasingly shared fewer reciprocal ties and active links of information and communication (Wallerstein et al. 1996). Compared to the situation in sociology, the situation in other academic fields, economics, history, psychology and others, was more or less the same, although slightly different between North America and Europe. While Émile Durkheim wrote in the introduction to the first issue of the journal Année Sociologique under his editorship that it is the destiny of sociology and economics that they will merge in the long run (quoted in Swedberg 1991), the opposite was true. The subjects separated, although a few major authors in historical sociology like Wallerstein, Bendix, Elias, and Mann continued to work in both fields. For the most part, long-term processes were forgotten, and scientific analysis was based on short-term observations. Much later and initially in the U.S. academic context, positions came up arguing that observations over longer time periods are a necessity for methodological reasons: ‘First, those shifts formed the context in which our current standard ideas for the analysis of big social structures, large social processes, and huge comparisons among social experiences crystallized. Second, they marked critical moments in changes that are continuing on a world scale today. Understanding those changes and their consequences is our most pressing reason for undertaking the systematic study of big structures and large processes. It is important to look at them comparatively over substantial blocks of space and time, in order to see whence we have come, where we are going, and what real alternatives to our present condition exist. Systematic comparisons of structures and processes will not only place our own situation in perspective, but also help in the identification of causes and effects’ (Tilly 1984, 10-11). Today, it is even difficult to speak about sociology in terms of a general understanding, since the coexistence of many sociologies, can be observed. Sociology has proven to become a field, which reminds us of a patchwork rug with diverse individual ‘universes of discourse’. Now, the International Sociological Association (ISA) has nearly 60 independent Research Committees, 3 Working Groups and 5 Thematic Groups, which have their own organizational life under the roof of sociology without feeling the need to contribute to a common project of grand 32 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 theory. Taken together, the academic field looks like a diffuse bazaar of ideas, projects and related people. Instead of coherence, sociology presents itself as a patchwork of fragmented interests, topics and approaches. However, sociology has also evolved into some other different directions. There is not only the professional sociology, but also the spheres of policy advice and critical sociology exist and, last but not least, public sociology as introduced by Burawoy (2005). Public sociology, in particular, is an area of knowledge, which exists outside of universities and penetrates to us through schoolteachers and mass media so that everybody has some kind of command of sociological expressions as if they are part of the everyday language. e.g., we talk about lifestyles, classes, family structure, or social opportunities as if we were trained sociologists (without being so). Public sociology has become manifest in the increased use of sociological terms in public communication. According to Burawoy (2005), one has to raise the questions of knowledge for whom and for what in order to define the fundamental character of sociology as an academic discipline (critically see Calhoun 2005). The divisional order of sociology is characterized by a practice, which mirrors the multiplicity of academic production and a rather accidental development rather than a systematic reasoning about how to design an academic subject (Backhouse and Fontaine 2014). With respect to the definition of what sociology is and how it is organized into different subfolders, two trends overlap each other. (I) There is a long-term trend of the development of sociology in which the discipline increasingly gained firm ground and recognition and in which a process of differentiation started to evolve. This trend took place within the last century. The field of sociology also started to become a professional system with clear curricula, degrees, academic societies and university departments, with an increasing number of publications and related journals. (II) Parallel to the consolidation process of sociology, the subject formed borderlines to neighbouring fields. Looking over the course of the last hundred years, topics of sociology have modified and multiplied. Even today, no clear definition exists of what sociology is. Of course, sociology has to do with the study of societies. Already Norbert Elias in his attempt to contribute to the question: ‘What is Sociology?’ (Elias 1978) had to keep it very general: ‘It is customary to say that society is the ‘thing’ which sociologists investigate. But this reification mode of expression greatly hampers and may even prevent one from understanding the nature of sociological problems’ (Elias 1978, 14). The same descriptive definition can be found in the work by Giddens (2006): ‘Sociology is the scientific study of human life, groups, and societies. It is a dazzling and compelling The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 33 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 enterprise, as its subject matter is our own behaviour as social beings. The scope of the sociological study is extremely wide, ranging from the analysis of passing encounters between individuals on the street to the investigation of global social processes such as the rise of Islamic fundamentalism’ (Giddens 2006, 4). Looking at sociology from the outside, sociology is effectively identified as sociological theory, which is just one research committee within the ISA. Even the sociological theory is not a unique and common field, but is segmented into many competing approaches in which stakeholders follow their own practices and routines. For example, the fact that Jonathan Turner’s ‘The Structure of Sociological Theory’ (2004) has 36 chapters, each one portraying a separate theoretical approach, shows the heterogeneity of sociological theory. There is no stratified unique sociological theory, but diverse camps coexist. Today, sociology is a wide cosmos of knowledge and working islands regarding quality, quantity and address labels. There is not necessarily any communication between them. From invitation to sociology to disinvitation It was the famous book by Peter L. Berger (1963), which served as a plea for the academic subject of sociology. The book claimed a sociological perspective to investigate social phenomena: ‘Sociology is not a practise, but an attempt to understand’ (Berger 1963, 4), because ‘statistical data by themselves do not make sociology. They become sociology only when they are sociologically interpreted, put within a theoretical frame of reference that is sociological’ (Berger 1963, 10). About 30 years later, the same author turned his invitation into a disinvitation (Berger 1994) and accused the sociology of his time of having four different negative symptoms, which he called parochialism, triviality, rationalism, and ideology (Berger 1994, 9). ‘While parochialism and triviality may be taken together, also rationalism and ideology have some internal link. The impeachment of parochialism means that sociology is too often centered with just one case or social experience or practice: Sociology, the discipline par excellence to understand modernity, must of necessity be comparative. …. It is the source of crippling failures of perception. It should be part and parcel of the training of every sociologist to gain detailed knowledge of at least one society that differs greatly from his own’ (Berger 1994, 9). Therefore, ‘triviality too is a fruit of parochialism, but in the case of sociology the more important root is methodological. … Identification of scientific rigor with quantification has greatly limited the scope of sociology’ (Berger 1994, 34 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 9-10). Finally, Berger criticized sociology for being too often normative in a sense of stating how societies or social relations should be. Instead, sociology should remember the claim for an absence of value judgements: ‘Sociology is a rational discipline; every empirical science is. But it must not fall into the fatal error of confusing its own rationality with the rationality of the world’ (Berger 1994, 10). These modern forms of critique received several updates. Alexander (1995) and Münch (1991, 1995) debated about the so-called McDonaldization of sociology, asking if sociology has national specifics and identities or if the US-American standards of writing and quoting would increasingly direct and dominate the rest of world sociology. It was a time when, at different locations and in different organisations, the future of sociology in the wider context of social sciences was being questioned. And, Ulrich Beck (2005) – ten years later – said in discussing Burawoy (2005) that ‘all forms of …. sociology are in danger of becoming museum pieces. … sociology needs to be reinvented’ (Beck 2005, 335). Analogous to Berger’s critique that sociology may have lost some degree of attractivity, is the relative loss of theory. Not only does sociological theory mark just one research committee among nearly 60 others, but, in general, the ‘current imbalance between methods and theory’ (Swedberg 2016, 5) has been criticised. It is said that methods ‘dominate modern social science’ (ibid.). Although the rise of sociology after World War II was centred around methods, and mainly had to do with the introduction of quantification into the sociological analysis, in the future sociological theory but also the process of theorizing should be upgraded and more strongly acknowledged in the organization of academic sociology (Swedberg 2016, 20). The problem with Swedberg’s claim is – despite the strong advantages the discussion delivers – that ultimately, the terms theory, as well as theorizing, remain a bit empty (Bertilsson 2016, Krause 2016), not defining clearly where theory starts to be theory (and ends up as well) (for further perspectives see Swedberg 2014, Zima 2004). The plea for theory fits with Adorno’s enlightenment, where he criticized the transformation of sociology into statistics and administrative science as the emergence of the known form of ‘administered society’ (Adorno, Horkheimer 1997, 264). The ‘imbalance’ between theory and empirics is easy to state if no-one has a firm idea of the ideal point of balance. Adorno, Horkheimer (1997) as well as Swedberg (2016), each with very different ambitions, are correct in claiming that the process of gaining data cannot be regarded as an end in itself. The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 35 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 The credo of the reinvention of sociology What might a reinvention of sociology look like? That was already the topic in the 1990s in the study carried out by the Gulbenkian Commission for the Restructuring of Social Sciences (Wallerstein et al., 1996). The premise of discussion of the Gulbenkian Commission was that, in an increasingly globalized and digitalized world, the landscape of the social sciences (including the location of sociology) must be affected by those changes. Adaptation and reinventions are a consequence and the sterile division of order cannot be adequate for the future anymore. Instead, practical interdisciplinarity and reciprocal synergies will be the claim of the 21st century. ‘The degree of internal cohesiveness and flexibility of the disciplines varies today, both between disciplines and among the forms a discipline assumes around the world’ (Wallerstein et al. 1996, 97). As a consequence of those processes of the simultaneous multiplication and fragmentation of academic knowledge, new frontiers of academic organization (must) evolve: ‘What seems to be called for is less an attempt to transform organizational frontiers than to amplify the organization of intellectual activity without attention to current disciplinary boundaries. To be historical is after all not the exclusive purview of persons called historians. It is an obligation of all social scientists. To be sociological is not the exclusive purview of persons called sociologists. It is an obligation of all social scientists. Economic issues are not the exclusive purview of economists. Economic questions are central to any and all social scientific analysis. Nor is it absolutely sure that professional historians necessarily know more about historical explanations, sociologists more about social issues, economists more about economic fluctuations than other working social scientists. In short, we do not believe that there are monopolies of wisdom, nor zones of knowledge reserved for persons with particular university degrees’ (Wallerstein et al. 1996, 98). The division of academic branches today is a bit reminiscent of the peaceful oligopoly behaviour of firms, where terrains of competencies and power are claimed by definition and reciprocal acknowledgement instead of reasoning. Our brief points mentioned before indicate that sociology is always incorporated in a flux of societal and scientific change and many shifts have taken place within sociology, and a lot of critiques have emerged. However, much of this discussion is centred around the topic of how sociology as an academic field could be modernized or optimized. Less discussion has been carried out on the issue of the expansion of the domain 36 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 of sociology, interdisciplinary exchange and going to new frontiers. Reinvention may also imply claiming more competences in the wider field of human sciences or in a broader modern concept of a universal social science. The integration and conversion of sociology may signify some losses of denominations and some gains of authority simultaneously. Not only the Gulbenkian Commission on the Restructuring of Social Sciences (Wallerstein 2006), but also the first Social Science Report by UNESCO (1999) pointed to the problem that academic competencies are often handled in an exclusive terminology. ‘Disciplines are classified under either the one (for example, economics, sociology, political science, as social sciences) or the other (for example, psychology, anthropology and linguistics, as human sciences)’ (UNESCO 1999, 12). Despite the need for specialisation in academic training, transdisciplinary attempts are also necessary in order to increase the potential of insights: ‘There is no doubt that disciplinary separations are part of the scientific endeavour and have a clear heuristic and educational value. It is also obvious that a competent social scientist is a person with a high level of training and expertise in one of the core disciplines, without which he/she cannot cross, with relevance and usefulness, disciplinary frontiers, to cooperate with other specialists. However, at the cutting edge of science, in advanced research, interdisciplinarity or transdisciplinarity is required, combining theories and methods from different disciplines according to the nature of the research’ (UNESCO 1999, 12). The conclusion, which has been reported so far across different platforms of science management is that the ‘future is crossdisciplinary’ and ‘social science is central to science’ overall (Campaign for Social Science, 2015). Separation of sociology from economics, psychology and history, and re-integration The division of work between sociology, economics, history and psychology has so many fluid borders and areas of overlap that it is not only a difficult task to draw clear and sterile lines between these, but it would also not contribute to an appropriate understanding of knowledge domains (Fourcade et al. 2015). The academic silos of knowledge are overfilled; an exchange in a sense of reciprocal decomposing has become increasingly necessary. The recent question about the relationship between sociology and neighbouring disciplines such as economics, psychology or history has not been discussed often. While Max Weber published The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 37 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 his ‘Economy and Society’ (1921), with which he addressed both items equally, suggesting a coexistence between economy and society, the process of scientific differentiation over the following decades changed academic practice, its division and related questions. In the 1950s, Parsons and Smelser wrote in their book ‘Economy and Society’ (1956) that only a few authors competent in sociological theory have ‘any working knowledge of economics, and conversely … few economists have much knowledge of sociology’ (Parsons and Smelser 1956). It is my firm understanding that the trend described by Parsons and Smelser (1956) can also be confirmed for the relationship of sociology and psychology, and sociology and history. However, recent developments point to circumstances indicating completely new directions, which should be acknowledged. Especially economics has started to re-open in the direction of psychology, history and sociology. We observe an increased social-scientification of economics (Bögenhold 2010), in which more and more contents of one or the other neighbouring disciplines are increasingly incorporated into economics. What was a process of de-coupling for most of the 20th century has started to move in the opposite direction; this is an ongoing re-integration. When reasoning about sociology and its problems, challenges and destiny, one may be well advised to compare the scientific potentials of different academic work settings and their topical and methodological overlaps and divergences. Established subjects of sociological experiences and competencies are increasingly seen as being of interest for other academic disciplines and sociology should be aware of these – let’s say – ‘imperialistic’ advances (Granovetter 1992, 2017, Davis 2016, Chafim 2016, Marchionatti, Cedrini 2017), especially from the directions of economics and management studies. At least, sociology should be aware that there are many subjects, which are seen positively from neighbouring fields without receiving any attention here (some further principle arguments can be found in Gintis 2007). Looking at current international trends and topics show considerable thematic analogies in neighbouring disciplines, which should be analysed and explored in order to see how the contours of the academic landscape and division change and in which directions the development is evolving (Rosenberg 2012). Ultimately, sociology is concerned with the question about what people do and why they do it in the way they do. Swedberg compared sociology with the cognitive sciences: ‘Sociologists have failed to address a number of topics that are important to theorizing, and that cognitive scientists have already been working on for several decades. …. Cognitive scientists have also developed some important insights in other 38 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 areas where sociologists are active but have not been particularly innovative. Studies of meaning, memory and emotions are some examples of this’ (Swedberg 2016, 18- 19). Scientific progress is often contingent and never rational in a sense that it follows arithmetic rules of combinations. The ‘market’ for ideas is not precisely an efficient or perfect market. Academic progress is also related to a series of mistakes by which intellectual resources are wasted, and, as a consequence, there are indeed intellectual gems lying unexploited and waiting for someone to grasp (Collins 2002). Especially, that economics did and is still maintaining interesting shifts towards the direction of psychology or sociology that this kind of academic poaching should be noticed. However, actual textbook learning often remained the same over decades (Granovetter 2017). Classic economics started with the conception of ‘self-interest’ for reasons, which can be reconstructed logically. Parsons engaged in a sociology of economic thought and concluded that the abstraction was due to the ‘fact of finding a plausible formula for filling a logical gap in the closure of a system’ (Parsons 1940: 188), which is characterized by Parsons as a doctrine. Thinking in terms that culture matters implies that people are guided by, at least, a set of goals, which are implicit or explicit, conflicting or overlapping. Social psychology and phenomenology contributed much information about these spheres and a sociology of emotions is based on the premise that people are not fully rationally controlled (Stets and Turner 2007, Turner and Stets 2009, Elster 1998, 1999). Although famous economists like J. M. Keynes or J. A. Schumpeter already referred to non-rational and psychological categories to integrate into their framework of thought, economic orthodoxy ignored those voices for a long time. Over the past few decades, increasingly scientists from outside of core economics have been awarded Nobel prizes for behavioural works. e.g. psychologist Herbert Simon for his theorem of ‘bounded rationality’ (Simon 1982) or Daniel Kahneman (2012) for his distinction between experience and memory, or the most recent Nobel laureate Richard Thaler (1994, 2016). Later, we come across Nobel laureates quoting extensively from sociological literature like Polanyi (1957) or Berger and Luckmann (1966) for his work on institutions. D. G. North said that economics treats the issue of motivation of human beings like a black box. Another Nobel laureate in economics explicitly claims sociology as the science that is responsible for social norms and constraints. Akerlof (2007), in his function as outgoing president of the American Economic Association, recently voiced a plea to turn the academic focus towards issues of The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 39 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 motivation and cognitive structures. Elsewhere, Akerlof and Kranton (2000) referred to dimensions like identity and social norms, which belong much more on the sociological or psychological ground than on economic terrain. Akerlof and Shiller worked out in their study ‘Animal Spirits’ (2009) that the functioning of the whole capitalist system is heavily based on sociopsychological foundations. ‘Animal Spirits’ (2009) takes up several questions, which were already raised by J. M. Keynes many years earlier. Performing this turn, economics has demonstrated flexibility and moving away from conventional practice and its own textbook knowledge. The widely used concept of homo oeconomicus has started to erode in economics since Herbert Simon’s ‘bounded rationality’ (Simon 1982). However, it was already Max Weber who had concluded that economics ‘argues with a non-realist human being, analogous to a mathematical ideal figure’ (Weber 1990: 30, transl. D.B., orig. 1898). Being distant to such a procedure as provided in ‘standard economics’, Weber distinguished between four ideal types of social action, which are the rationality of (1.) traditional action, of (2.) affective action, of (3.) value-orientation and of (4.) purposive-rational utilitarian action (Weber 1972, part 1, ch. 1), of which only the last point of classification matches with the supposed rationality of homo oeconomicus. Wallerstein (1999) discusses very thoroughly exactly this rationality conception in Max Weber’s work, for a more general discussion of Weber see Lachman (1979), Collins (1986), Swedberg (2003). Further academic applications in economics may be shown, where economists have crossed borders. A. Sen (1999) was recognized with a Nobel Prize for his seminal works on choice and his capability approach, which contributed to a better understanding of happiness and well-being by adding a relative perspective of interpretation. Another thematic field in which sociology makes waves is social network research as a mapping of patterns of communication and support. Even here, it is an interesting convergence between developments in economics as well as in management studies. Sociologists should know about this to claim intellectual property rights where necessary, and to defend the own profession. Hodgson (2012, 46) verified six Nobel laureates in economics since the 1970s who were recognized, among different topics, also for their concept of being very critical of the concept of the rational egoistic man. The seemingly paradoxical situation is that, on the one hand, textbook knowledge is taught in economics, which is very much concerned with neoclassic economics, and on the other hand, economists are awarded the prestigious Nobel prizes, for 40 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 criticizing principles of neoclassic thought. Robert M. Solow (Nobel Laureate 1987) belonged to this last category: ‘All narrowly economic activity is embedded in a web of social institutions, customs, beliefs, and attitudes…. Few things should be more interesting to a civilized economic theorist than the opportunity to observe the interplay between social institutions and economic behavior over time and place’ (Solow 1985, 328–329). A few years later, Douglas G. North (Nobel Laureate in 1993) argued in the same direction by sharpening the awareness for historical research: ‘Improving our understanding of the nature of economic change entails that we draw on the only laboratory that we have–the past. But ‘understanding’ the past entails imposing order on the myriad facts that have survived to explain what has happened–that is the theory. The theories we develop to understand where we have come from the social sciences. Therefore, there is a constant give and take between the theories we develop, and their application to explain the past. Do they improve our understanding–is the resultant explanation broadly consistent with the surviving historical evidence?’ (North 1977, 1). What, among many other authors, Solow or North explain is the trivial fact that each economy is integrated into a permanent flux of changes. They both confirm what Schumpeter had expressed much earlier: ‘The essential point to grasp is that in dealing with capitalism we are dealing with an evolutionary process. ….Capitalism, then, is by nature a form or method of economic change and not only never is but never can be stationary’ (Schumpeter 1942, 82). When history was forgotten by wide parts of economics, works by Solow or North clearly rediscovered history for specific reasons. There is nothing else, which provides empirical facts on capitalism, other than the history of capitalism. Even to undertake future forecasts, one has to refer backwards. Those economic activities are embedded in social institutions, customs, beliefs, and attitudes reflect the simple credo that culture matters, which implies that sociology matters. If culture makes a difference, capitalism does not exist in a vacuum, but in a context with specific social regimes of living, producing and exchange. Institutionalist approaches have no other aim than to highlight that different social organizations and institutions (including religion, language, law, family structures and networks, systems of education and industrial relations) make differences when trying to come up with statements regarding general principles of capitalist societies and economies. As known, capitalism in Singapore differs from capitalism in Zimbabwe, which differs from capitalism in Switzerland. Accepting the idea that economies and societies are not filled by abstract but by real entities, one has to The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 41 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 refer to concrete coordinates of time and space. If economics rediscovers history, the economic theory goes far beyond abstractivism (Hodgson 2001). Taking culture as an analytic variable indicates different settings of norms and related behaviour (North 1990, Jones 2006). Culture serves as a framework of rational behaviour and is the factor, which indicates real societies as opposed to abstract ones. Historian David Landes put it concisely when he said: ‘Culture makes almost all the difference’ (Landes 2000, 2). The concept of the ‘social embeddedness’ (Granovetter 1985, 2017) of institutional actors and human behaviour is a common label for approaches that attempt to deal with the interplay of individual and corporate actors in a dynamic and joint process. The impact of such a perspective is that modern economics could be linked with a constructive view that provides a new division of work between economics and the other social sciences (Granovetter 1992). Granovetter’s formulation of a ‘social embeddedness of economic behaviour and institutions’ (Granovetter 1985, 2017) has subsequently become widely known. It was in the same year in which Solow (1985) used the term of embeddedness. Granovetter’s argumentation is based upon three premises, namely, firstly, that economic action is a special case of social action, secondly, that economic action is socially situated and embedded, and thirdly, that economic institutions are social constructions. A synthesis is sought between conceptions of over-socialized and under-socialized human beings in order to articulate a theorem, which takes into account both the determination of society and the relative openness of human activities as a process (Granovetter 1992, 2002). Bounded rationality is very much to be understood in relation to asymmetric information and complexity. Bounded rationality mirrors the fact that societies, organizations and economies are fragmented, they are organized along different lines and zones of contact, familiarity and information exchange. In our view, modern economics could benefit significantly by integrating recent network concepts, which are a fantastic tool to bridge micro and macro perspectives (Bögenhold 2013). Social network analysis continues to develop many themes enunciated by pioneering social psychologists. ‘At its best, social network analysis draws from traditions of research and theory in psychology, sociology, and other areas to describe how patterns of interpersonal relations are associated with diverse behavioral, cognitive, and emotional outcomes. Looking for the future, we are deepening interest in the psychological underpinnings of why some people more than others engage and benefit from the networks of contacts within which they are embedded’ (Burt et al. 2013, 543). 42 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 Markets are always in transition, they come up, they go down, and they change. These markets are carried out by actors having sets of people they know and whom they trust, while other people may be regarded as hostile competitors. However concrete markets may look, they always have very social traits, and economics would fall short if it did not ask about those issues. Competition processes must also be analysed and understood as ongoing social processes, which are involved in social structures and which are permanently in processes of reorganization (Burt 1995). The presently existing, largely categorical description of social structure has no solid theoretical grounding; furthermore, network concepts may provide the only way to construct a theory of social structure (White, Boorman, Breiger 1976, 732). In many respects, network analysis is an excellent exemplification of what the term of social embeddedness can deliver. Network analysis furnishes those popular formulations, which have become ‘economic sociology’s most celebrated metaphor’ (Guillén, Collins, England et al. 2002, 4). A point of initial discussion was that up-to-date economics is increasingly in a process of social-scientification as Bögenhold (2010) has coined it. Among the implications are an obvious willingness to open up for topics of cognitive structures and motivation. Economic sociology and economic psychology share many of the motives behind those trends, since the arguments in favour of these trends form the foundations of their own academic identity, but one should be curious as well as careful when meeting those new tendencies. Nothing should be taken for granted, but one should always try to see if pieces of the puzzle fit. As ideas about an economy and society in concreto are increasingly accepted again, so the relative autonomy of culture and its specification in different historical variations is also increasingly accepted. In case that one agrees on the formulation that culture matters, one has to agree on the formulation that sociology as the academic domain widely dealing with culture also matters. A plea for the academic existence of sociology must be the ultimate consequence. In particular, historical and comparative sociology, socioeconomics and economic sociology and, of course, social network research, prove to be innovative, when highlighting national and international variations and specifics. The so-called ‘imperialism of economics’, which is criticised by Granovetter (1992, 2017), increasingly looks towards traditional academic fields of history, psychology, and sociology. The public image of sociology may have declined during recent decades, but the strategic use and importance of (economic) sociology has never been greater, even if many stakeholders in sociology are not aware of this. Sociology The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 43 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 seems to have become an upgraded discipline since social networks, communication processes, institutions and culture are increasingly considered as core dimensions. The reciprocal integration of economy, society and culture must be better acknowledged in academic reflections as a science of science so that disciplinary authorities will be defined accordingly. Figure 1 Interplay of different academic disciplines Source: Own illustration, modification of Bögenhold (2015) The figure above gives an idea of the interplay of different academic disciplines. In order to arrive at a more modern and pluralistic attempt to overcome monodisciplinary studies, one may look at sociology and the institutional interaction with diverse blurred boundaries. Sociology covering society as well as culture is by nature a key player to understand or at least to contribute to an appropriate understanding of many recent phenomena in a globalized world. Sociology has a use in analysing and explaining phenomena of social life, firstly, and, secondly, to reason about the interplay of different academic branches in the form of the sociology of science. Wallerstein et al.’s (1996) claim to ‘open the social sciences’ should be taken seriously. Sociology can play a crucial part in that orchestra. 44 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 Orchestrating the social sciences Following the ideas of opening the social sciences, the final chapter will give a brief summary and outlook. In general, one can also argue that sociology, psychology, history, economics, and perhaps partly business administration should increasingly try to reintegrate, because their topics are among the items in a complex web of reciprocal thematic interaction. The concept of the ‘social embeddedness’ of institutional actors and human behaviour is a common label for approaches that attempt to deal with the interplay of individual and corporate actors in a dynamic and joint process. Social networks, communication patterns, family structures, trust and fairness, but also distrust and crime, all these dimensions matter when trying to analyse economies appropriately. Observing a trend of social-scientification of economics raises chances for all other social sciences to arrive at a more cooperative division of academic cooperation. Of course, talk about inter- and transdisciplinarity is often more easily spelled out than practically achieved in a controlled manner. However, the reciprocal integration of economy, society and culture (Granovetter 2017) must be better acknowledged in academic reflections of a science of science so that disciplinary authorities will be defined accordingly. Sometimes it also helps to go back in the history of intellectual thought in order to avoid the danger of reinventing the wheel. Sociology offers a rich tradition of different classics, who used a practice in which economy and society were not treated as disparate spheres, but as one and the same unit of analysis. Therefore Max Weber’s book title ‘Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft’ (Weber 1921, in translation ‘economy and society’) were already a manifesto. Another example is Joseph A. Schumpeter, who also worked as a scientist of sciences and who developed some ideas on the landscape of academic cooperation. Of course, he considered especially economics and surrounding sciences, but sociologists will gain profit from his explanations as well, since Schumpeter makes clear that academic sciences are not a means in itself. They have to be regarded as tools and they must be checked for the capacity to contribute to a reciprocal enhancement of a better understanding of phenomena. A universal social science is certainly more of a programme than a status, but some of Schumpeter’s ideas (Bögenhold 2013) may come quite close to that. The substantial preface to ‘History of Economic Analysis’ (Schumpeter 1954) can be regarded as a manual on how to refer to different academic branches and integrate them into a coherent universal social science, which is far removed from being an autistic, narrow economic science of some modern representation. The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) 45 Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 First of all, in Schumpeter’s discussion theory is always written in quotation marks (‘theory’), which links to the discussion initiated by Swedberg (2016): when can we speak about theory, when does a statement deserve the distinction of being a theory? Although it is not the core discussion pursued by Schumpeter, he uses the term theory as if he wants to say ‘so-called theory’, but he explains at least three different meanings of ‘theory’. Then, Schumpeter argues not only in favour of history as rendering a service to theory, but also in favour of ‘a sort of generalized or typified or stylized economic history’ (Schumpeter 1954, 20), which includes institutions like private property, free contracting, or government regulation. Schumpeter offers a long discussion of how much profound knowledge of history is a pre-condition for working as a modern scientist, and he is convinced that his argumentation is true for all scientific disciplines. Everybody needs to have a good command of historical facts but also of the evolution of the own academic subject in terms of the history of intellectual thought and change. Schumpeter explicitly included findings by anthropology and ethnology: ‘History must, of course, be understood to include fields that have acquired different names as a consequence of specialization, such as pre-historic reports and ethnology (anthropology)’ (Schumpeter 1954, 13). Schumpeter was also concerned with logic, philosophy, and psychology, which are not summarized under techniques of economic analysis, but which are discussed as a basic methodological understanding of his conceptual framework. The most significant statement about economic psychology is contained in the following words: ‘Economics like other social sciences deals with human behaviour. Psychology is really the basis from which any social science must start and in terms of which all fundamental explanation must run’ (Schumpeter 1954, 27). However, as a further important domain of knowledge Schumpeter (1954) addresses sociology, but also economic sociology: ‘Economic analysis deals with the questions of how people behave at any time and what economic effects do they produce by so behaving; economic sociology deals with the question how they came to behave as they do. If we define economic behaviour widely enough so that it includes not only actions and motives and propensities but also the social institutions that are relevant to economic behaviour such as government, property inheritance, contract, and so on, that phrase really tells us all we need’ (Schumpeter 1954, 21). There are several statements where Schumpeter speaks with great appreciation about sociology and claims that economics has to seek or to keep closer contact with sociology, because ‘we cannot afford […] to neglect the developments of sociology’ and especially not the ‘fundamental field of economic sociology in which neither economists nor 46 The Journal of Philosophical Economics XI: 1 (2017) Bögenhold, Dieter (2017), ‘The order of social sciences: sociology in dialogue with neighbouring disciplines’, The Journal of Philosophical Economics: Reflections on Economic and Social Issues, XI: 1, 27-52 sociologists can get very far without treading on one another’s toes’ (Schumpeter 1954, 25–26). There are also further reflections on the use of mathematics and statistics, which shall not be discussed in further detail here. Our major point is that reading Schumpeter and other classics is an appropriate tool for finding a way back and for shedding light on contemporary questions. Weber or Schumpeter put together a series of different academic domains as if they are a bouquet of flowers and tried to select useful aspects and knowledge islands to bring them together. ‘Opening the social sciences’ is just a catchword. At least a good manual is needed to decide how we may make use of which islands of knowledge in combination with which others. Social sciences are always confronted with the question of which knowledge is produced for whom and combined with which knowledge domains. Sociology has a very important place in the orchestra to generate knowledge, but sociology should be aware of its own positioning in the whole setting, in order to know its own address and the neighbours it is surrounded by. Acknowledgments The current version of the paper benefitted by numerous constructive remarks and hints by anonymous reviewers and the editor Valentin Cojanu for which the author is grateful. However, the necessary disclaimer remains.

HIGH-PERFORMANCE WORK SYSTEMS IMPACTS ON EMPLOYEE PERFORMANCE IN TELECOMMUNICATION COMPANIES IN NEPAL

Abstract

Over the past years, rising bodies of studies have proposed that utilizing a mix or system of Human Resource Management (HRM) practices leads to high organizational and employee performance. Practices such as selective recruitment and hiring procedures, performance-based compensation systems, employee participation as well as training and development are what have been referred to as High Performance Work Systems(HPWS) and emanated from Strategic Human Resource Management study in which researchers have determined the impacts of adopting HPWS on employee performance. Despite the rising collection of proofs indicating the impacts of High Performance Work Systems on employee performance, there exist little proofs or evidences indicating the impacts of adopting High Performance Work Systems on employee performance within the telecommunication sector.  The telecommunication sector is a competitive and capital intensive sector which is composed of organizations that make communication possible on a global scale regardless of whether it is via phone, internet, airwaves, cables ,wires or even wirelessly. These organizations developed systems which allows data in words, voice, audio or video to be disseminated anywhere in the globe. Wireless operators, satellite and cable organizations as well as internet services providers are the largest organizations within this sector (Beers, 2019). Despite the rising interests by most of the telecommunication managers to adopt High Performance Work Systems, research in this distinctive sector of economy still drag behind therefore revealing that there are significant niches in the Human Resource Management literature. It is because of this that this research was carried out so as to determine the impacts of High Performance Work Systems on employee performance using Nepal’s telecommunication sector as the context of study. To realize this objective, a number of hypotheses, research questions as well as other sub-research objectives were formulated. Qualitative methods of data collection perspectives were used in which a questionnaire containing 35 closed-ended questions were distributed among 395 employees who comprises of senior human resource specialist, senior and functional managers, non-managerial and others working in the largest telecommunication industries in Nepal. Semi-structured interviews and secondary sources such as handbooks, annual reports, performance reports, employment policies, journal, websites and newsletters were utilized to add onto the findings.  The results indicated that indeed high performance work systems impact on the employee performance. The findings will be very useful for all the stakeholders including the human resource managers, human resource policy formulators and decision markers, government, and academic institutions.

Research background

Nowadays, human resource management globally has not been easy.  Technological, political, legal, cultural and economic changes couple with globalization are just some of the reasons for the aforementioned difficulty (Farooq, 2015).  Because of these dynamics, the business world has become very competitive thus the need for application of high performance works systems as way of dealing with these problems and increasing workers performance. A number  of researchers such as  Jeevan & Asha(2017), Khan(2013),Appelbaum(2000), Mohammed & Liao(2015), Mahmood et al. (2016), Messersmith et al. ( 2011), Jiang et al. (2013), Chang et al. (2013) as well as the most current Wahid & Ssekasi(2019) have carried out studies to determine how high performance work systems impact employee performance in various sectors of economy. However, none of them despite the most recent one (Wahid & Ssekasi, 2019) have studied impact of high performance work systems within the telecommunication sector. Telecommunication business is not only competitive and capital intensive whereby access to capital is paramount in ensuring the advancement and expansion of a robust network but also one in which management skills, competencies and the capabilities of qualified employees are key drivers in propelling the expansion and sustainability of businesses (Guislain & Qiang, 2006). A single supposition related with High performance work systems is that organization’s workers are the chief source of competitive edges which are difficult to achieve (Oladapo & Onyeaso, 2013). In addition, it is assumed that workers are capable of creating a constant organizational improvement and performance at higher level if they are motivated (Mohammed & Liao, 2015).  Hence, high performance systems have become integral concepts of strategic human resource management in various industries globally regardless of their size especially in this era where competition is very high.  

Research significance

As aforementioned the results of this study will be useful for all stakeholders associated to the field including human resource managers, human resource policy formulators and decision makers, government as well as academic institutions and human resource management scholars. To the managers the study will help to recognize, appreciate and understand the effects of HPWS on employee performance and thus will be able to mobilize resources so as to adopt and apply such systems in their organizations. Additionally the senior managers can used the results of this study to improve their governance skills as well as even adopt more pragmatic management approach.  Human resource policy formulates and decision makers can utilize the findings of this research to formulate policies which promote High Performance Work Systems. Similarly, government agencies and policy makers can also utilize the findings of this research to design and formulate government policies which promote the adoption of HPWS by both private organizations and government organizations and parastatals.

Moreover, this research will also be useful to the stakeholders in education field. Persons responsible for curriculum formulation and development used to educate students could integrate important lessons from this research into the education curriculum. Additionally, human resource management students can also gain knowledge of the methods in which they can run organizations and gain superior employee performance.

Problem statement

Any organizations which need to succeed in a highly competitive environment ought to have specific significant factors of production which promote it to strive towards that very important objective of success. The most significant factor which such success oriented organization ought to have is its human resource or in other words, its workforce. Every organization has the ability of developing itself through motivating and promoting its employees efficiencyOne way of doing that, is through executing the high-performance work systems within their organization. The ability and willingness of the employees to use their skills, creativeness, innovativeness, abilities and knowledge dictate the organization success (Markova & Ford, 2011). Moreover, Cropanzano and Mitchell (2005) claimed that if firms invest in the development of their workforce, they are acting in a constructive and progressive way for the safety and progression of the firm. Motivation is a key tool of achieving such willingness and ability. Employee motivation affects employee performance in that the more the employees get motivated the higher their performances.  Hence in a nutshell, the general problem statement of this study is that high-performance work systems impacts employee performance.
           Purpose statement

With the view of the aforementioned abstract, introduction and research background, the main purpose of this qualitative correlation study is to determine the impacts of High-Performance Work Systems (HPWS) on employee performance within telecommunications industries of Nepal.  To substantiate this key goal, other sub-goals  involved the identification of high-performance work systems’ methods and tactics adopted by the managers within the various telecommunication industries in Nepal, analysis of the skills and  knowledge enhancement of employees through high- performance work systems as well as  the suggestion  of the methods to be utilized so as to improve high employee performance’s   influencing factors for the benefit of future researchers and practitioners, in the telecom industry of Nepal.

Research objectives

As earlier stated, the main objective of this correlation research study was to find out the impacts of high performance work systems on employee performance using Nepal’s telecommunication industries as its context. However, in order to substantiate this main objective as well as achieve it, the following three sub-objectives were also developed:

  1. To identify the methods and tactics adopted by the managers inside various telecommunication industries.
  2. To analyze the skill and knowledge enhancement of employees through high performance work system process.
  3.  To suggest ways to improve the influencing factors to the benefit of future researchers and practitioners, in the telecom industry of Nepal.

Research Questions

In addition, in order to achieve the main objective as well as the above sub-objectives, the below five research questions were also developed:

  1. What are the key factors of HPWS in an organization?
    1. Can HPWS help to maximize better employee performance for better intrinsic and extrinsic incentive?
    1. Are Nepal’s organizations adopting the method of HPWS for employee better performance outcome?
    1. Are employees able to accept the impacts of HPWS?
  2. Research contents
  3. This research is composed of four chapters. Chapter one comprises of short introduction, background of study, significance of research and brief definition and basis of the terms like HPWS, HRM, Employee motivation, self-efficacy and their relationship with employee performance. In addition, the problem statement, research contents and nature of study is also briefly explained in this section. Chapter two is the theoretical and literature review section. In this section, motivation theories and HRM theories, HPWS theories as well as their practices in the organizational setting are explained. Chapter three is about the research methodology in terms of the research hypotheses, research design, sampling, data analysis and results.  Chapter four is the conclusion section where the findings and recommendations on the way high performance work systems has impacted employee performance.
  4. Research methods
  5. It is imperative to mention that this was qualitative research carried out on February 2019. As earlier stated, the study involved the use of questionnaires and semi-structured interview.  The questionnaires were distributed among 395 Nepal’s telecommunication industries employees who composed of senior human resource specialists, senior and functional managers, non-managerial and others. The aim was to understand the ways in which HPWS is carried out in such companies as well as understand the manner in which they impact employee performances of such industries. Things such as motivation of human resource, and high performances theories as well as organizational practices were greatly looked into.  Secondary sources such as handbooks, annual reports, performance reports, employment policies, journal, websites and newsletters were utilized to analyze findings of  high -performance  work systems impacts on employee s’ performance

3.1 RESEARCH HYPOTHESIS

The initial two chapters have concentrated on the literature review and the theoretical background of high performance work systems as an integral part of Human Resource Management and its impacts on employee performance. As aforementioned, this research study was concentrated on finding out the correlation between high performance work systems and workers’ performance or productivity with different tools of motivation as mediators. Also, apart from the main objectives which was to determine the impacts of high performance work systems on employee performance, the other sub-objectives to build the main objective as earlier stated were to identify the methods and tactics of HPWS adopted by the managers inside various telecommunication industries, to analyze the skill and knowledge enhancement of employees through high performance work system process and to suggest ways to improve the influencing factors to the benefit of future researchers and practitioners, in the telecom industry of Nepal.  This section therefore will focus on the hypotheses.

The hypotheses are developed so as to investigate and clearly examine the main objective of the study which for this case is to determine the impacts of high performance work systems on employee performance in the context of telecommunication industry of Nepal.   Based on the underlying variables, the following three hypotheses were developed.

H1: There is a relationship between High performance work system’s impacts leading to team work of employees.

H1b  
H1a  
H1c  

                                                    Fig 3: Team work as a mediator

H1a:  There is a relationship between HPWS and Team work.

H1b:  There is a relationship between Team Work and Employee Performance.

H1c:  There is a relationship between HPWS and Employee Performance

Initial research indicates that team managers have a unique and consistent duty implementing Human Resource policies in their work groups which may be essential in promoting team performance. By its scope, Human Resource Management deals with the implementation of strategy (Mathis & Jackson, 1985). As per Schuler & MacMillan (1984), immediately after strategy formulation, human resource policies are designed in such a way that it enables the organization to achieve its strategic goals. Human Resource Management adds to improved performance through clearly defining the roles and responsibilities of employees and motivating them to work toward performance goals during strategy implementation (Schuler & Jackson, 1987). Thus, performance may be explicated in terms of the extent to which aspired human resource practices are implemented within the organization. Though high performance work systems at the team level is a worthwhile subject for investigation, only a few empirical studies have examined its effect on work group outcomes (e.g., Lee, Pak, & Kim, 2014; Pak, Kim, & Li, 2015). However, several scholars have asserted that high performance work systems at the team level may be positively related to team performance (TP). For instance, a recent study by Fu, Flood, Bosak, Morris, and O’Regan (2013) suggests that high performance work systems positively influences team formation. Individuals placed on the right team cooperate better with clients, which improves organizational performance. Messersmith, Patel, Lepak, and Gould Williams (2011) reported that high performance work systems are positively associated with collective job satisfaction, commitment, and organizational citizenship behaviors (OCB). In addition, Takeuchi, Lepak, Wang, and Takeuchi (2007) confirmed that the HPWS-performance relationship is mediated by enhancement of collective human capital and social exchange. Hence, we also hypothesize that the intensity of implementation of HPWS at the team level is positively associated with Team Performance

H2: There is a relationship between High performance work system’s impacts leading to self-efficacy of employees

H2b  
H2a  

                                                  Fig 3: Self-Efficacy as a mediator.

H2a:  There is a relationship between HPWS and Self-Efficacy.

H2b:  There is a relationship between Self-Efficacy and Employee Performance.

H2c:  There is a relationship between HPWS and Employee Performance.

A lot of research studies done previously have reported  that there is important relationship between self-efficacy and job performance( Bandura, 1982; Bandura & Adams, 1977; Bandura, Adams & Beyer, 1977; Chambliss & Murray, 1979;Feltz, 1982; Locke, Fredrick, Lee & Bobko, 1984). Moreover, self-efficacy perceptions still forecast high performance even in research studies where efficacy perceptions have been altered.  Bandura (1977a) pinpointed that though active mastery produces the highest rise in self-efficacy, correlations between self-efficacy and performance remain high for non-enactive modes such as modeling.

Furthermore, numerous research studies have determined that self-efficacy is a good forecaster of high performance more than the previous behavior (Bandura, 1977a; Bandura, 1982; Bandura & Adams, 1977; Bandura et al., 1977; Bandura et al., 1980; Chambliss & Murray, 1979). Nonetheless, other studies contradicted this, for example Gist (1987).  Studies conducted by Feltz (1982) provided some evidence that as experience with a task increases, past performance becomes more predictive than self-efficacy.  It needs to be noted that Feltz’s study involved a task in which subjects were unable to observe their performance and no feedback was provided (Gist, 1987).  Under these circumstances self-efficacy may have lacked veridicality. Bandura (1997) and Schunk (1995) confirm the contention that efficacy beliefs mediate the effect of skills or other self-beliefs on subsequent performance attainments.  Researchers have also demonstrated that self-efficacy beliefs influence these attainments by influencing effort, persistence and perseverance (Bandura & Schunk, 1981; Bouffard-Bouchard, 1990; Schunk & Hanson, 1985).

H3: There is a relationship between High performance work system’s impacts leading to employee’s perceived support.

H3b  
H3a  
H3c  

Fig 5: Employee’s Perceived Support as a mediator.

H3a:  There is a relationship between HPWS and Employee’s Perceived Support.

H3b:  There is a relationship between Employee’s Perceived Support and Employee Performance.

H3c:  There is a relationship between HPWS and Employee Performance.

A lot of researches have determined that workers obtain economic gains, status, individual relationship as well as social gains through work (Cropanzano, KacMar & Bozeman, 1995; Halbesleben, 2011). Moreover, employees provide services, skills and energies and anticipate something as result as a reward. Nevertheless, these rewards are not only just limited to monetary gains such as pay but also entail a large variety of social gains. When the workers view that they are not accorded enough economic and non-economic rewards, they become de-motivated and thus does not work hard to achieve the organizational goals, aspirations and intentions. Apart from rewards, workers also anticipate company’s support on what they are daily undertaking. In an evident that the company gives them support, they are motivated and thus enhancing personal and organizational performance with respect to profitability and advancement (Mowday, Porter & Steers, 1982; Zhong, Wayne & Liden, 2016). Employees are actually engaged in a social exchange with the organizations they work in where they put in more efforts with the expectation of high rewards in return of this exchange process. For many years, organizational researchers have described the employment contract in the context of social exchange theory which states that employees’ efforts and loyalty to the organization is contingent on the provision of socio-economic benefits (March & Simon, 1958; Etzioni, 1961; Levinson, 1965; Porter, Steers, Mowday, & Boulian, 1974). This characterization of the employee–organization relationship stresses the fact that organizations’ attainment of desirable outcomes could be possible through the favorable treatment of employees.

According to Meyer and Allen (1997), employees who receive proper and fair treatment from their organizations are more likely to demonstrate more commitment and work beyond the call of explicitly prescribed duties. They also respond with greater flexibility to the problems an organization confronts in uncertain situations (George & Brief, 1992). The notion of organizational commitment and employees’ motivation has attracted considerable attention of both researchers and practitioner as an attempt to understand the stability and intensity of employees’ devotion to their duties in modern organizations. Workplace Support (WS) is one of the key areas which affect employees’’ commitment as well as their motivation (Shore & Shore 1995). Workplace support is employees’ perception about how much their organization provide them support in difficult situations performing various tasks.

3.2 Study variable design

As aforementioned that this study focused on finding the relationship between the high performance work systems and employee performance, a variety of variables were used to ascertain the relationship. The three main variables which were utilized were high performance work systems (independent variable), mediators (team work, self-efficacy and perceived support) and employee performance which were the dependent variable. The other variable which were useful for this study were gender, education level and employees’ working period.

3.3 Research design

As earlier stated, this research study was a qualitative correlation study whose main objective was to find out the impacts of high performance work systems on employee performance.  Hence, the approach of this study was a qualitative in nature. According to Ghauri & Gronhang (2005) a qualitative study approach involves the utilization of semi-structured interviews and questionnaires to collect data. It is very significant since it is flexible thus helps in determining the missing parts of unknown. The major focus of this study was to identify that into what depth is HPWS understood and also how much has it been adopted by managers of telecommunication industries in Nepal and majorly about how much it has been able to enhance the skills, abilities and knowledge of employees’ of theses sector. Therefore, the respondents were none other than the employees, line managers and staffs of selected 8 different telecommunication companies of Nepal. The reason behind selecting these 8 companies is that these companies are the fast growing companies both into its service providing manner and also about customer demand and satisfaction way. Hence, the business strategies and also the development strategies of these companies are high compared to remaining telecommunication companies in Nepal which will result into effective result of the study.

The questionnaire was adopted for the process of valid data collection. The questionnaires were the same for all the members of the organization that is same for all line managers, employees and human resource executives. The questionnaires had two sections where the first section had general questioning about the demographics of the employees whose major focus was about their education qualification, age, sex, and tenure in the organization whereas the second section had been divided into further 3 different subsections whose major focus was totally into the research design of the paper. The division was made into 3 subsections here varying upon the independent variable (ID), dependent variable (DV) and the moderators (M) of the research design. Here, employees were given options to select their correct answers using rating scale method which had 5 different dimensions where Likert’s scale ranging from 5 strongly agreed to 1 strongly disagreed. This helped to create very much friendly, easy and effective way of analyzing the accurate result.

3.4 Sampling and Data Collection

The data collection as carried out in total of 8 different leading telecommunication companies of Nepal. To make the sampling survey effective and convenient, questionnaire were developed and distributed among the employees, managers and HR executives. For better understanding and for keeping the belief of secrecy, an attachment of cover letter and also a copy of academic thesis proposal were made available to the HR executives of each company and the staffs who desire to have a look over it. The questionnaire were developed on the basis of the research model which consists of Independent Variable (High performance work system), Dependent variable (Employee performance) and three different moderators (Team work, Self-efficacy, and Employee perceived support) respectively.

Prior of data collection from overall employees, HR executives were asked to assign us any specific department of their firm for the accurate and valid outcome of the survey and major focus were given towards the outcome of the specific department as questionnaires were distributed from departments to departments. All the surveys were conducted in human participation and as per the requirement of the academic thesis survey only.

The sampling were made only in the headquarter of each company as Nepal is very small and developing country and often don’t adopt for more number of staffs and also the major focus of development is made only in the capital city which hence lands managers and HR executives in their headquarter only. A total number of 395 employees including 12 HR executives and 45 line managers were invited to complete the survey. The set of questionnaire were same for all the staffs of the firm. The questionnaire were developed in English language and then interpreted into Nepali (local) language as and when necessary.

The survey questionnaires were distributed among the employees in person and few via HR executives of the firm for the purpose of secrecy. The questionnaire were developed and distributed in around mid of January 2019 and were returned for further work in the end of February 2019.All the relevant telecommunication companies and the one who were willing to participate in the survey analysis were included and the questionnaire were randomly distributed departments to departments among all the eligible employees of the firm.

3.5 Data Analysis and Interpretation

A multivariate data analysis on the collected data was carried out using the SPSS software where the mean, standard deviations, correlations and reliabilities of data were determined using SPSS statistical program.

3.5.1 Overview of Nepal Telecommunication Industry

As earlier mentioned, the telecommunication enterprise is not only a capital-intensive industry where capital is essential in ensuring the advancement and expansion of a robust network but also one where management skills, competencies and the abilities of workers are key in fastening the expansion as well as the sustainability of the enterprise (Guislain & Qiang, 2006). Telecommunication sector is an enjoyable sector to research not just because of its volatility scope with respect to technological advancement as well as its policies but also because of the high development rate of this sector over the previous couple of years as well as the important contributions of this sector to country’s economies. Currently, Nepal telecom sector is made up of six telecom operators and twenty internet services providers.

    The first telecom operator which is the largest with respect to the number of subscribers and market share of about 48% is the Nepal telecom. Ncell is the runners-up with market share of 45% followed by Smart Telecom with a market share of just 5%. However, despite the small market share percentage, Smart Telecom is expanding its mobile network.  The below pie chart illustrates the market share of the various telecommunication companies in Nepal.

                                       Fig1: Market share coverage of telephone operators.

                                  Source: Nepali Telecom 2016.

Statistics reports indicate that the number of internet users in Nepal is immensely rising. In fact based on the recent data, Nepal’s internet penetration reached a whopping 63%.  Moreover, as many individuals are beginning to use services such as Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, Online Games, E-class, E-commerce etc.and a lot of them are installing internet, this percentage is expected to even rise further in a couple of years.  Nonetheless, the main challenge which is very detrimental to this growth is the fact that Nepal does not have a prudent internet service.  The internet connected people utilized influence productivity. However, a lot of individuals do not have adequate time to spend in thoroughly exploring all the available options. Hence, people usually end up making fast and less ideal selections.

                              Fig2: people’s choice for internet service operators.

                              Source: People choice survey February 2018

From this data, it is clear that Nepal has a lot of potential market in expanding the telecommunication services. Therefore, Nepal should bring efficient technologies with enough policies and resources. Furthermore, experienced and skilled human resource personnel ought to be hired in order to manage the business and also formulate and implement the necessary Human Resource Management policies and practices such as the HPWS within concerned organizations.

However, all that said, Nepal’s telecommunication sector is still in developing stage and it has encountered numerous challenges as result of lack of prudent management and trust. In addition, it has encountered a lot of technical and commercial and thus urgently need qualified and experienced human resource managers to implement the financial portfolios as well as correctly manage the capital.  In order to make sure that the human resource managers are in a able to effectively and efficiently apply technologies in their jobs as well as deal with technological dynamics, organizations should have competitive human resource development strategies. 

3.5.2 Questionnaire sample distribution outcomes.

Table 1:

Details of questionnaire distribution

Respondents Total Population Percentage (%) Sample Number Percentage (%)
Employees 339 86% 59 74%
Line Managers 42 11% 18 23%
HR Executives 14 4% 3 4%
Total Staffs 395 100% 80 100%

The investigation was made for the reason of total 80 (20%) non respondents from different department levels of the firm. Varieties of reasons were found out of which few of them were as:

  1. Not present on the day of questionnaire distribution.
  2. Too busy in the work and forget about the same.
  3. Misplaced the questionnaire.

Table 2

Details of Hierarchy data distribution of the respondents

S/N   Sub-position Total Number Percentage
1 Managers a. Telecom administrator 9 21%
b. Telecom communication specialist 4 10%
c. Public affair specialist 5 12%
d. Chief marketing manager 7 17%
e. Concept development manager 9 21%
f. Telecom information specialist 8 19%
TOTAL 42 100%
2 Human resource a. Human resource executive/ manager 9 64%
b. Assistant human resource 5 36%
TOTAL 14 100%
3 Employees a. Administrative department 18 5%
b. Communication department 30 9%
c. Public affairs 20 6%
d. Information tracking department (Record Keeping) 30 9%
e. Media and marketing 45 13%
f. Server analyst 27 8%
g. Sales 33 10%
h. Others (Telecom associate, Front desk,Trainee,Reception desk, Engineer analyst,Informationofficer,Team leader and other lower level staffs) 136 40%
TOTAL 339 100%

By the table above we can see that the managers were divided into 6 different groups. Likewise, for human resource department we can see the total of 14 participants with the division of 2 different subgroups. This shows that the human resource department is still a very small part of the organization and covers only 4% of the total population in 8 different survey companies with the total of 395 surveyors’. Similarly, the highest coverage is under employees with the sub-division of 8 different groups with the coverage of 80% which is quite very common factor in any organization.

Table 3

Details of Distribution by Gender

S.No Gender Managers Percentage (%) Employees Percentage (%)
1 Female 24 43% 203 60%
2 Male 32 57% 136 40%
  Total 56 100% 339 100%

From the gender based data above we can see that most of the managers are male whereas majority of employees are female. Among the managers we found out that females are mainly preferred in the post of human resources rather than male employees.

Table 4

Details of Distribution by Education

S.No. Education Managers Percentage (%) Employees Percentage (%)
1 Vocational 6 11% 46 14%
2 Under Graduate 13 23% 211 62%
3 Post Graduate 30 54% 80 24%
4 Doctorate (others) 7 13% 2 1%
  Total 56 100% 339 100%

The educational background was divided into 4 different groups as Vocational, Undergraduates, Post graduates and Doctorates including other divisions. There were significant outcome in the management as well as employees side regarding the same.

Table 5

Details of Distribution by Working Period

Working Period Managers Percentage (%) Employees Percentage (%)
Less than 3 years 7 13% 125 37%
3 to 5 years 9 16% 116 34%
5 to 8 years 20 36% 56 17%
8 to 10 years 8 14% 22 6%
10 years and above 12 21% 20 6%
Total 56 100% 339 100%

The above table shows that working period for managers is 21% for more than 10 years where as that of employees is only 6%. This directly shows that there is high rate of job switch among employees than compared to managers which is the central problem of this study.

Discussion: Gender Bias in Research

Historically, men have dominated scientific research in that the both the researchers and participants have largely been male. Accordingly, the way research has been designed, the way studies have been conducted, and the ways in which results have been interpreted have been at risk for gender bias. In other words, the preconceived ideas and beliefs or unfounded prejudice about the traits and characteristics of each gender potentially influence the outcomes of research studies. Even today, as women have entered into the academic and scientific world in significant numbers, research is subject to gender bias. The implications of gender bias can be far reaching. As the scientific community uses research study results for subsequent research and the media picks up the results to report findings to the public, gender bias can have a huge impact. Society may be making decisions that are based on incorrect, misleading, or biased data. As an example, a majority of early heart disease research was conducted primarily using male subjects leading to the assumption that heart disease was a man’s disease and did not significantly impact women. The gender bias in heart disease research resulted in little attention being paid to women who had heart disease symptoms, as well as delays and limitations in the treatment for these symptoms for many years. In reality, it is now common knowledge that heart disease is the leading cause of death for women, as it is for men.

This Discussion asks you to think about how gender bias can impact scientific research and how the findings of biased research can impact individuals and society.

To prepare for this Discussion:

  • Review the Preface, the assigned pages in Chapter 1, and pages 35–47 from Chapter 2 in the course text, Gender: Psychological Perspectives, focusing on why researchers study gender, why researchers include gender as a factor in psychological studies, and how researchers can be biased in their research with regard to gender.
  • Think about the following questions:
    • What impact does gender bias in research have on interpretation of the results of research studies?
    • How does gender bias in research potentially perpetuate the view of what men and women are and should be?
    • What impact could the biased research have on individuals of each gender and on society as a whole?
    • How does the media then use research findings to inform, persuade, sell, and so forth?

With these thoughts in mind:

By Day 3

Post an analysis of the role of gender bias both in the study of psychology and in the reporting of results by others, including the implications. Provide at least two specific examples for each to illustrate your points.

Be sure to support your postings and responses with specific references to the Learning Resources.

DISCUSSION 2

 Along with the job order cost system another cost system is process costing.  The key to any cost system is to be able to track costs through the system.  While I doubt that any of you will have a business plan that will utilize a process cost system, I want you to discuss how costs are tracked through a process cost system. 

Choice Questions

Choose 1 of the following questions and respond to it. Include in your thread the question you chose to answer; the question is not to be included in your word count for this forum, however.

  1. Consider the position you are looking at in the Job Analysis Project. State the position and describe how you might go about determining scores for applicants’ responses to (a) interview questions, (b) letters of recommendation, and (c) questions about previous work experience.
  2. Assume you gave a general ability test, measuring both verbal and computational skills, to a group of applicants for a specific job. Also, assume because of severe hiring pressures, you hired all of the applicants, regardless of their test scores. How would you investigate the criterion-related validity of the test?

Rapid Review 2

Select a psychoactive drug that is of pharmacological interest to you, but not one you will review as part of your Critical Review or one that was included in your previous Rapid Review. For this paper, you may choose drugs of abuse; however, the paper must focus on the pharmacology of the drug and not on the social or addictive aspects.  If you focus on addiction and social impact, your paper will not receive credit.

In addition to the text, research a minimum of three peer-reviewed articles published within the last five years on your selected drug. Prepare a three-page summary of the drug using the PSY630 Rapid Review Example paper (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site. as a guide.

In your Rapid Review, analyze and explain the pharmacological aspects of the drug as they relate to the following: neurotransmitters affected, receptors, route of administration, half-life, doses, side effects, drug interactions, contraindications, and other important facets of the drug. Explain these aspects of the drug in terms of the psychiatric disorders indicated for the drug and the issue(s) associated with that use. If there is no accepted therapeutic use for the drug, evaluate and describe the actions of the drug with regard to the abuse process.

The paper:

  • Must be three to five double-spaced pages in length, excluding title page and references page, and it must be formatted according to APA style . (Links to an external site.)Links to an external site.
  • Must include a title page with the following:
    • Title of paper
    • Your name
    • Course name and number
    • Your instructor’s name
    • Date submitted
  • Must address the topic of the paper with critical thought.
  • Must use at least three peer-reviewed sources in addition to the text.
  • Must document all sources in APA style 
  • Must include a separate references page